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1 


pmjj  for  Cnnnntitttt. 


BEING    AN 


HISTORICAL  ESTIMATE 

OF  THE   STATE, 


DELIVERED    BEFORE 


THE  LEGISLATURE  AND  OTHER  INVITED  GUESTS, 


FESTIVAL  OP  THE  NORMAL  SCHOOL  IN  NEW  BRITAIN,  JUNE  4,  1851. 


BY   HORACE    BUSHNELL. 


PRINTED    BY    ORDER    OF    THE  LEGISLATURE. 


HARTFORD : 

BOSWELL    AND    FAXON 
1851. 


pmlj  for  Cntttiniirnt, 


BEING    AN 


HISTORICAL  ESTIMATE 

OF  THE  STATE, 


DELIVERED    BEFORE 


THE  LEGISLATURE  AND  OTHER  INVITED  GUESTS, 


FESTIVAL  OF  THE  NORMAL  SCHOOL  IN  NEW  BRITAIN,  JUNE  4,  1851. 


BY   HORACE    BUSHNELL 


PRINTED    BY    ORDER    OF    THE  LEGISLATURE. 


HARTFORD : 

BOSWELL    AND    FAXON. 
1851. 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


NOTE. 

The  festival,  in  connection  with  which  this  discourse  was  delivered, 
celebrated  the  opening  of  the  new  building  for  the  Normal  School  of 
Connecticut ;  a  fine  spacious  structure,  erected  by  the  munificence  of 
the  citizens  of  New  Britain,  and  presented,  on  this  occasion,  to  the 
State. 


stae* 


072- 
^7  . 

SPEECH,  &C. 


FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW  CITIZENS  : 

THE  occasion  which  has  brought  us  together  celebrates 
another  stage  of  advance  in  the  cause  of  public  education  in 
our  commonwealth.  When  I  accepted  the  call  to  address  you 
on  this  occasion,  I  designed  to  prepare  a  theme  immediately 
related  to  the  subject  of  popular  education  itself.  But  on  more 
mature  consideration,  taking  counsel  also  of  others,  I  have  con- 
cluded that,  as  the  occasion  belongs  to  the  state,  and  as  I  am  to 
speak  to  the  Legislature  of  the  state,  I  cannot  do  better  than  to 
make  the  state  itself— its  character  and  wants  and  prospects — 
the  subject  of  my  address.  And  I  do  it  the  more  readily,  because 
of  the  conviction  I  feel,  and  hope  also  to  produce,  that,  if  there 
be  any  state  in  the  world,  whose  history  itself  is  specially  ap- 
propriate to  a  festival  of  popular  education,  that  state  is  Con- 
necticut. 

It  is  a  fact  often  remarked  by  the  students  of  history,  that  all 
the  states  or  nations,  that  have  most  impressed  the  world  by 
their  high  civilization  and  their  genius,  have  been  small  in  ter- 
ritorial extent.  If  we  ask  for  the  reason,  it  is  probably  because 
society  is  sufficiently  concentrated  only  in  small  communities, 
to  produce  the  intensest  development  of  mind  and  character. 
Hence  it  is  not  in  the  ancient  Roman  or  Persian  empires,  but 
in  little  sterile  Attica,  territorially  small  in  comparison  even 
with  Connecticut,  that  the  chief  lawgivers,  philosophers,  orators, 
poets  of  antiquity  have  their  spring ;  sending  out  their  unarmed 
thoughts  to  subdue  and  occupy  the  mind  of  the  world,  in  the 
distant  ages  of  time.  So  again,  and  probably  for  a  similar 


reason,  it  is  not  in  the  great  kingdoms  or  empires  of  Western 
Europe,  that  the  quickening  po\vf!£of  modern  history  have 
their  birth ;  but  in  the  Florentine  Republic,  in  Flanders,  and 
the  free  commercial  cities,  in  Saxony,  Holland,  and  England. 
Here  is  the  birth  place  of  modern  art.  Here  it  is  that  man- 
ufactures originate  and  flourish.  Here  it  is  that,  having  no 
territory  at  home,  commerce  builds  its  ships  and  sends  them  out 
to  claim  the  seas  for  a  territory.  Here  is  the  cradle  of  the 
Reformation.  Here  the  free  principles  of  government,  that 
are  running  but  not  yet  glorified,  took  their  spring. 

In  view  of  facts  like  these,  it  is  a  great  excellence  of  our 
confederated  form  of  government,  that  it  combines  the  advan- 
tages both  of  great  and  small  communities.  We  have  a  com- 
mon country,  and  yet  we  have  many  small  countries ;  a  vast 
republic  that  embosoms  many  small  republics,  each  possessing 
a  qualified  sovereignty,  each  to  have  a  character  and  make  a 
history  of  its  own.  There  is  brought  into  play,  in  this  manner, 
without  infringing  at  all  on  the  general  unity  of  the  republic, 
a  more  special  and  homelike  feeling  in  the  several  states  (sharp- 
ened by  mutual  comparison)  which,  as  a  tonic  power  in  society, 
is  necessary  to  the  highest  developments  of  character  and  civ- 
ilization. Spreading  out,  in  a  vast  republican  empire  that  spans 
a  continent,  we  are  thus  to  be  condensed  into  small  communi- 
ties, each  distinctly  and  completely  conscious  of  itself,  and  all 
acting  as  mutual  stimulants  to  each  other.  Nor  is  any  thing 
more  to  be  desired,  in  this  view,  than  that  we  preserve  our  dis- 
tinct position  as  states,  and  embody  as  much  of  a  state  feeling 
as  possible,  about  our  several  centers  of  public  life  and  action. 
Let  Virginia  have  her  "cavaliers"  and  her  "old  dominion."  Let 
Massachusetts  be  conscious  always  of  Massachusetts,  and  let 
every  man  of  her  sons,  in  every  grade  and  party,  exult  in  the 
honors  that  crown  her  history.  Let  the  Vermonter  speak  of 
his  "  Green  Mountain  state,"  with  the  sturdy  pride  of  a  moun- 
taineer. Let  the  sons  of  Rhode  Island  exult  in  the  history  and 
spirit  of  their  little  fiery  republic.  This  state  feeling  has  an 
immense  value,  and  the  want  of  it  is  a  want  much  to  be  de- 
plored. I  would  even  prefer  to  have  this  feeling  developed  so 
strongly  as  to  create  some  friction  between  the  citizens  of  the 
different  states,  rather  than  to  have  it  deficient. 


Pardon  me  if  I  suggest  the  conviction,  that  this  feeling  is  not 
as  decided  and  distinct,  in  our  state,  as  it  may  be  and  ought  to 
be.  It  is  our  misfortune  that  we  hold  a  position  midway  be- 
tween two  capital  cities  ;  that  of  New  England  on  one  side, 
and  the  commercial  capital  of  the  nation  on  the  other.  To 
these  we  go  as  our  market  places.  From  these  we  get  our 
fashions,  our  news,  and  too  often  our  prejudices  and  opinions ; 
or,  what  is  worse,  just  that  neutral  state  of  both,  which  is  crea- 
ted by  the  very  incongruous  mixture  they  produce.  Mean- 
time, it  is  a  great  misfortune  that  we  have  no  capital  of  our 
own,  or  if  any,  a  migratory  capital.  For  public  sentiment,  in 
order  to  get  firmness  and  become  distinctly  conscious,  must 
have  fixed  objects  about  which  it  may  embody  itself.  A.  capi- 
tal which  is  here  and  there  is  neither  here  nor  there.  It  is  no 
capita],  but  a  symbol  rather  of  vagrancy,  and  probably  of  what 
is  worse,  of  local  jealousies  which  are  too  contemptible  to  be 
inspiring.  Besides  we  are  too  little  aware  of  our  own  noble  his- 
tory as  a  state.  The  historical  writers  of  Massachusetts  have 
been  more  numerous  and  better  qualified  than  ours,  and  they 
have  naturally  seen  the  events  of  New  England  history,  with 
the  eyes  of  metropolitans.  We  have,  as  yet,  nothing  that  can 
be  called  a  just  and  spirited  history  of  our  state,  and  the  mass 
of  our  citizens  seem  to  suppose  that  we  have  no  history  worthy 
attention.  It  is  only  a  dry  record,  they  fancy,  of  puritanical 
severities,  destitute  of  incident  and  too  unheroic  to  support  any 
generous  emotions.  Our  sense  of  it  is  expressed  in  th"e  single 
epithet  "  the  blue  law  state."  Never  were  any  people  more 
miserably  defrauded.  Meantime  we  are  continually  sinking  in 
relative  power,  as  a  member  of  the  confederacy.  Our  public 
men  no  longer  represent  the  fourth  state  in  the  Union,  as  in 
the  Revolution,  but  the  little,  comparatively  declining  state  of 
Connecticut.  And  the  danger  is  that,  as  we  sink,  in  the  rela- 
tive scale  of  numbers,  the  little  enthusiasm  left  us  will  die  out, 
as  a  spark  on  our  altars,  and  we  shall  become  as  insignificant  in 
the  scale  of  moral,  as  of  territorial  consequence. 

Accordingly  it  becomes  a  very  interesting  question  to  the 
people  of  our  state,  what  shall  we  do  to  maintain  a  position  of 
respect  and  power  ? — how  shall  we  kindle  and  feed  the  true 


6 

fire  of  public  feeling  necessary  to  our  character  and  our  stand- 
ing in  the  republic  ?  If  there  be  a  citizen  present,  of  any  sect 
or  party,  who  can  see  no  interest  in  such  a  problem,  to  him  I 
have  nothing  to  say.  The  man  who  does  not  wish  to  love  and 
honor  the  state,  in  which  he  and  his  children  are  born,  has  no 
heart  in  his  bosom,  and  it  is  not  in  any  words  or  arguments  of 
mine,  certainly,  to  give  him  what  the  sterility  of  his  nature 
denies. 

It  will  occur  to  you  at  once,  in  the  problem  raised,  that  what 
any  people  can  be  and  ought  to  be,  depends,  in  a  principal  de- 
gree, on  what  they  have  been.  And  so  much  is  there  in  this 
principle,  that  scarcely  any  thing  is  necessary,  as  it  seems  to 
me,  to  exalt  our  public  consciousness  and  set  us  forward  in  the 
path  of  honor,  but  simply  to  receive  the  true  idea  of  our  history 
and  be  kindled  with  a  genuine  inspiration  derived  from  a  just 
recollection  of  the  past. 

In  this  view  it  is,  that  I  now  propose  to  give  you  a  sketch,  or 
outline  of  our  history ;  or  perhaps  I  should  rather  say,  an  his- 
toric estimate  of  our  standing  as  a  member  of  the  republic.  In 
giving  this  outline,  or  estimate,  I  must  deal,  of  course,  with  facts 
that  are  familiar  to  many ;  but  we  have  a  history  of  such 
transcendent  beauty,  freshened  by  so  many  inspiring  and  heroic 
incidents,  that  we  should  not  easily  tire  under  the  recital, 
however  familiar.  Nothing  should  tire  us  but  the  mortifying 
fact,  that  as  a  people,  we  have  not  yet  attained  to  the  sense  of 
our  own'public  honors.  Mr.  Bancroft,  the  historian,  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  relative  character  and  merit  of  the  Ameri- 
can States,  not  long  ago  said, — "There  is  no  state  in  the 
Union,  and  I  know  not  any  in  the  world,  in  whose  early  history, 
if  I  were  a  citizen,  I  could  find  more  of  which  to  be  proud,  and 
less  that  1  should  wish  to  blot."  My  own  conviction  is  that 
this  early  history,  though  not  the  most  prominent,  is  really  the 
most  beautiful  that  was  ever  permitted  to  any  state  or  people 
in  the  world. 

In  tracing  its  outline,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  make  some  reference 
to  that  of  other  states,  but  I  will  endeavor  not  to  make  the  com- 
parison odious.  I  must  infringe,  a  little,  in  particular,  on  some 
of  the  claims  of  Massachusetts,  and  therefore  I  ought  to  say  be- 
forehand, that  no  one  is  more  sensible  than  I  to  the  historic 


merit,  or  rejoices  more  heartily,  in  the  proud  eminence  of  that 
state,  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  republic — a  member  with- 
out which,  indeed,  the  republic  would  want  a  necessary  support 
of  its  character  and  felicity.  It  can  the  better  afford  to  yield 
us,  therefore,  what  is  our  own  ;  or  rather  can  the  less  afford  to 
diminish  our  just  honors,  by  claiming  to  itself  what  is  quite  un- 
necessary to  its  true  pre-eminence  of  name  and  its  metropolitan 
position  as  a  state. 

It  may  well  be  a  subject  of  pride  to  our  state  that  the  original 
settlement  of  the  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  colonies,  after- 
wards called  Connecticut,  comprised  an  amount  of  character 
and  talent  so  very  remarkable. 

There  was  Ludlow,  said  to  have  been  the  first  lawyer  of  the 
colonies,  assisting  at  the  construction  of  the  first  written  consti- 
tution originated  in  the  new  world ;  one  that  was  the  type  of 
all  that  came  after,  even  that  of  the  Republic  itself.  Whether 
it  was  that  he  was  too  much  of  a  lawyer  to  be  a  hearty  Puritan, 
or  had  too  much  of  the  unhappy  and  refractory  element  in  his 
temper  to  be  comfortable  any  where,  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to 
judge.  But  he  became  dissatisfied,  removed  to  the  Fairfield 
settlement,  and  afterwards  to  Virginia.  The  casual  hints  and 
traditions,  left  us  of  his  character,  impress  the  feeling  that  he 
was  a  very  remarkable  man,  and  excite  in  us  the  wish  that  a 
more  adequate  account  of  his  somewhat  irregular  history  had 
been  preserved  to  us. 

There  was  Haynes,  also,  the  first  Governor,  a  man  of  higher 
moral  qualities,  and  different,  though  not  perhaps  inferior  ac- 
complishments. He  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  holding  an 
elegant  seat  in  Essex.  But  the  American  wilderness,  with  a 
right  to  his  own  religious  convictions,  he  could  easily  prefer  to 
the  charms  of  affluence  and  refinement.  Turning  his  back 
upon  these,  he  came  over  to  Boston.  And  it  is  a  sufficient 
proof  of  his  character  and  ability  that,  during  his  short  stay 
there,  he  was  elected  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  colony. 
In  the  new  colony  that  came  out  afterwards  to  settle  on  the 
banks  of  the  Connecticut,  he  was  leader  and  father  from  the 
beginning.  He  was  a  man  of  great  practical  wisdom  and  per- 


8 

sonal  address ;  liberal  in  his  opinions,  firm  in  his  piety,  a  man 
every  way  fit  to  lay  republican  foundations. 

Governor  Hopkins,  a  rich  Turkey  merchant  of  London,  was 
another  of  the  founders  ;  a  man  of  less  gravity  though  not  infe- 
rior in  the  qualities  of  fortune,  or  personal  excellence,  and  supe- 
rior to  all  in  his  great  munificence.  By  his  bequest  the  Gram- 
mar schools  of  Hartford  and  New  Haven,  and  the  Professorship 
of  Divinity  in  Harvard  College,  were  founded.  His  talents  are 
sufficiently  evinced  by  the  fact  that,  returning  on  a  visit,  to  his 
estate  and  his  friends  in  England,  he  was  detained  there  by  an 
unexpected  promotion  from  Cromwell  to  be  Commissioner  of 
the  Navy  and  Admiralty. 

Governor  Winthrop,  or  as  he  is  commonly  called,  the  younger 
Winthrop,  was  the  most  accomplished  scholar  and  gentleman 
of  New  England.  Educated  to  society,  liberalized  in  his  views 
by  foreign  travel,  which  in  that  day  was  a  more  remarkable 
distinction  than  it  is  at  present,  he  was  qualified  by  his  manners 
and  address  thus  cultivated,  to  shine  as  a  courtier  in  the  high- 
est circles  of  influence.  A  sufficient  proof  of  his  power  in  this 
way,  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  Connecticut  charter 
was  obtained  by  him  ;  an  instrument  so  republican,  so  singu- 
larly liberal  in  its  terms,  that  it  has  greatly  puzzled  the  historians 
to  guess  by  what  means  any  king  could  have  been  induced  to 
give  it,  and  especially  to  give  it  to  a  Puritan. 

John  Mason,  the  soldier,  I  will  speak  of  in  another  place,  only 
observing  here  that  he  was  trained  to  arms  under  Lord  Fairfax, 
in  Holland,  and  gave  so  high  a  proof  of  his  valor  and  capacity, 
both  there  and  here,  that  he  was  solicited  by  Cromwell  to  return 
to  England,  and  occupy  the  high  post  of  Major  General  in  his 
army. 

Thomas  Hooker,  another  of  the  founders,  and  first  minister 
of  the  Hartford  colony,  was  distinguished  as  a  graduate  and 
fellow  of  Cambridge  University,  and  more  as  a  minister  and 
preacher  of  the  established  church.  He  was  called  the  Luther 
of  New  England,  for  the  reason,  I  suppose,  that  the  sturdy  em- 
phasis and  thunder  tone  of  his  style  resembled  him  to  the  great 
Reformer.  Whenever  he  visited  Boston,  after  his  removal  to 
Connecticut,  crowds  rushed  to  hear  him  as  the  great  preacher 
of  the  colonies.  As  a  specimen  of  physical  humanity,  if  we  may 


9 

trust  the  descriptions  given  of  his  person,  he  was  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  of  men  ;  uniting  the  greatest  beauty  of  coun- 
tenance with  a  heighth  and  breadth  of  frame  almost  gigantic. 
The  works  he  has  left,  more  voluminous  and  various  than  those 
of  any  other  of  the  New  England  founders,  are  his  monument. 

John  Davenport,  of  the  New  Haven  colony,  was  a  different, 
though  by  no  means,  inferior  man.  He  was  a  son  of  the  mayor 
of  Coventry,  a  student  and  afterwards  Bachelor  of  Divinity  at 
Oxford  University.  Settled  as  the  incumbent  of  St.  Stephen's 
Church,  in  London,  he  exerted  great  influence  and  power 
among  the  clergy  of  the  metropolis.  His  effect  lay  more  ex- 
clusively than  Hooker's,  in  the  rigid,  argumentative  vigor  of  his 
opinions.  Probably  no  other,  unless  perhaps  we  except  John 
Cotton,  impressed  himself  more  deeply  on  the  churches  of  New 
England. 

Governor  Eaton,  of  the  New  Haven  colony,  had  become  rich 
by  his  great  and  judicious  operations,  as  a  merchant  in  the 
trade  of  the  Baltic.  Attracting,  in  this  way,  the  attention  of 
the  court,  he  was  honored  as  the  King's  Ambassador  at  the 
court  of  Denmark ;  evidence  sufficiently  clear  of  the  high  esti- 
mation in  which  he  was  held,  and  also  of  his  talents  and  charac- 
ter— a  character  not  diminished  by  the  noble  virtues  and  the 
high  capacities,  revealed  in  his  long  and  beautifully  paternal 
administration,  as  a  Christian  ruler  here. 

Desborough,  the  New  Haven  colony  soldier,  afterwards  re- 
turned to  England  and  held  the  office  of  Major  General  in 
Cromwell's  army,  a  fact  which  sufficiently  exhibits  him. 

Such  were  nine  of  the  original  founders  of  Connecticut. 
What  one  of  them  has  left  a  blot  on  his  character,  or  that  of 
the  state  ?  What  one  of  them  ever  failed  to  fill  his  place  ? 
And  that,  if  I  am  right,  is  the  truest  evidence  of  merit ;  not  the 
renown  which  place  and  circumstance  may  give  to  a  far  infe- 
rior merit,  or  which  vain  ambition,  rioting  for  place,  may  be  able 
to  achieve.  Is  it  not  a  most  singular  felicity,  that  our  little 
state,  planted  in  a  remote  wilderness,  should  have  had,  among 
its  founders,  nine  master  spirits  and  leaders,  so  highly  accom- 
plished, so  worthy  to  be  reverenced  for  their  talents  and  their 
virtues  ? 


10 

I  have  spoken  of  the  civil  constitution  of  the  Hartford  or 
Connecticut  colony.     Virginia   began   her  experiment  under 
martial  law.     The  emigrants  in  the  Mayflower  are  sometimes 
spoken  of  as  having  adopted  a  civil  constitution  before  the  land- 
ing at  Plymouth ;  but  it  will  be  found  that  the  brief  document 
called  by  that  name,  is  only  a  "covenant  to  be  a  body  politic," 
not  a  proper  constitution.     The  Massachusetts  or  Boston  colo- 
ny  had  the  charter  of  a  trading  company,   under  cover  of 
which,  transferred  to  the  emigrants,  they  maintained  a  civil 
organization.      It   was  reserved  to  the  infant  colony  on  the 
Connecticut,  only  three  years  after  the  settlement,  to  model  the 
first  properly  American  constitution — a  work   in  which  the 
framers  were  permitted  to  give  body  and  shape,  for  the  first 
time,  to  the  genuine  republican  idea,  that  dwelt  as  an  actuating 
force,  or  inmost  sense,  in  all  the  New  England  colonies.     The 
trading-company  governor  and  assistants  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony,  having  emigrated  bodily,  and  brought  over  the  com- 
pany charter  with  them,  had  been  constrained  to  allow  some 
modifications,  by  which  their  relation  as  directors  of  a  stock 
subscription  were  transformed  into  a  more  properly  civil  and 
popular  relation.     In  this  manner,  the  government  was  gradu- 
ally becoming  a  genuine  elective  republic,  according  to  our 
sense  of  the  term.     The  progress  made  was  wholly  in  the  direc- 
tion taken  by  the  framers  of  the  Connecticut   constitution ; 
though,  as  yet,  they  had  matured  no  such  result.     At  the  very 
time  when  our  constitution  was  framed,  they  were  endeavor- 
ing, in  Massachusetts,  to  comfort  the  "  hereditary  gentlemen" 
by  erecting  them  into  a  kind  of  American  House  of  Lords, 
called  the  "  Standing  Council  for  Life."     The  deputies  might 
be  chosen  from  the  colony  at  large,  and  were  not  required  to 
be  inhabitants  of  the  town  by  which  they  were  chosen.     The 
freemen  were  required  to  be  members  of  the  church,  and  all  the 
officers  stood  on  the  theocratic,  or  church  basis,  in  the  same 
way.     They  were  also  debating,  at  this  time,  the  civil  admissi- 
bility   or  propriety  of  dropping  one  governor  and   choosing 
another ;  Cotton  and  many  of  the  principal  men  insisting  that 
the   office  was  a  virtual  freehold,  or  vested   right.     Holding 
these  points  in  view,  how  evident  is  the  distinctness  and  the 
proper  originality  of  the  Connecticut  constitution.     It  organizes 


11 

a  government  elective,  annually,  in  all  the  departments.  It 
ordains  that  no  person  shall  be  chosen  governor  for  two  suc- 
cessive years.  It  requires  the  deputies  to  be  inhabitants  and 
representatives  of  the  towns  where  they  are  chosen.  The 
elective  franchise  is  not  limited  to  members  of  the  church,  but 
conditioned  simply  on  admission  to  the  rights  of  an  elector  by 
a  major  vote  of  the  town.  In  short,  this  constitution,  the  first 
one  written  out,  as  a  complete  frame  of  civil  order,  in  the  new 
world,  embodies  all  the  essential  features  of  the  constitutions  of 
our  states,  and  of  the  Republic  itself,  as  they  exist  at  the  pres- 
ent day.  It  is  the  free  representative  plan,  which  now  dis- 
tinguishes our  country  in  the  eyes  of  the  world. 

"Nearly  two  centuries  have  elapsed,"  says  Mr.  Bancroft, 
"the  world  has  been  made  wiser  by  various  experience,  po- 
litical institutions  have  become  the  theme  on  which  the  most 
powerful  and  cultivated  minds  have  been  employed,  dynasties 
of  kings  have  been  dethroned,  recalled,  dethroned  again,  and  so 
many  constitutions  have  been  framed  or  reformed,  stifled  or 
subverted,  that  memory  may  despair  of  a  complete  catalogue ; 
but  the  people  of  Connecticut  have  found  no  reason  to  deviate 
essentially  from  the  government  established  by  their  fathers. 
History  has  ever  celebrated  the  commanders  of  armies,  on 
which  victory  has  been  entailed,  the  heroes  who  have  won 
laurels  in  scenes  of  carnage  and  rapine.  Has  it  no  place  for 
the  founders  of  states — the  wise  legislators  who  struck  the  rock 
in  the  wilderness,  and  the  waters  of  liberty  gushed  forth  in 
copious  and  perennial  fountains  ?  They  who  judge  of  men,  by 
their  influence  on  public  happiness,  and  by  the  services  they 
render  to  the  human  race,  will  never  cease  to  honor  the  mem- 
ory of  Hooker  and  Haynes." 

Had  Mr.  Bancroft  included,  with  the  names  of  Hooker  and 
Haynes,  that  also  of  Ludlow,  placing  it  first  in  the  list,  I  suspect 
that  his  very  handsome  and  just  tribute  of  honor  would  have 
found  its  mark  more  exactly.  We  know  that  Mr.  Ludlow  on 
two  several  occasions  after  this,  was  appointed  by  the  Legisla- 
ture to  draft  a  code  of  laws  for  the  state,  and  there  is  much 
reason,  in  that  fact,  to  suppose  that  he  drew  the  Constitution 
itself.  His  impracticable,  refractory  temper  set  him  on,  far- 
ther as  many  suppose,  in  the  direction  of  democracy,  than  any 


other  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the  emigration  ;  and  they  very 
naturally  imagine,  for  this  reason,  that  they  see  his  hand,  in 
particular,  in  the  new  Constitution  framed. 

I  must  not  omit  to  mention,  what  is  specially  remarkable  in 
this  document,  that  no  mention  whatever  is  made  in  it,  either 
of  king  or  Parliament,  or  the  least  intimation  given  of  allegi- 
ance to  the  mother  country.  On  the  contrary,  an  oath  of  alle- 
giance is  required  directly  to  the  state.  And  it  is  expressly 
declared  that  in  the  "  General  Court,"  as  organized,  shall  exist 
"  the  SUPREME  POWER  of  the  Commonwealth." 

The  precedence  we  had  thus  gained,  in  the  matter  of  consti- 
tutional history,  I  am  happy,  to  add,  was  honorably  maintained 
afterwards,  in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic 
itself;  for  it  is  a  fact,  which  those  who  are  wont  to  sneer  at  the 
blueness  and  legislative  incapacity  of  our  state,  may  be  chal- 
lenged also  to  remember,  that  Connecticut  took  the  lead  in 
proposing  and,  by  the  high  abilities  and  the  strenuous  exertions  of 
Ellsworth  and  Sherman,  finally  carried  that  distinction  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  is  most  fundamental 
and  peculiar  to  it  as  a  frame  of  civil  government,  and  which 
now  is  just  beginning,  as  never  before,  to  fix  the  attention  and 
attract  the  admiration  of  the  world.  I  speak  here  of  the  feder- 
ative element,  by  which  so  many  sovereign  states  are  kept  in 
distinct  activity,  while  included  under  a  higher  sovereignty. 
When  the  Convention  were  assembled  that  framed  the  Consti- 
tion  of  the  Republic,  they  were  met,  at  the  threshold,  by  a  very 
important  question,  viz : — Whether  the  Constitution  to  be 
framed  should  be  the  Constitution  of  a  '  Nation'  or  of  a  '  Con- 
federacy of  states.'  Mr.  Calhoun  gave  the  true  history  of  the 
struggle,  in  his  speech  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
Feb.  12th,  1847.  "  The  three  states,  Massachusetts,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Virginia,"  he  said,  "  were  the  largest  and  were  ac- 
tively and  strenuously  in  favor  of  a  '  National'  government. 
The  two  leading  spirits  were  Mr.  Hamilton  of  New  York, 
probably  the  author  of  the  resolution,  and  Mr.  Madison  of  Vir- 
ginia. In  the  early  stages  of  the  Convention,  there  was  a 
majority  in  favor  of  a  '  National'  government.  But  in 
this  stage  there  were  but  eleven  states  in  the  Conven- 
tion. In  process  of  time,  New  Hampshire  came  in,  a  very  great 


13 

addition  to  the  federal  side,  which  now  became  predominant. 
It  is  owing  mainly  to  the  states  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey 
that  we  have  a  '  Federal'  instead  of  a  '  National'  government — 
the  best  government  instead  of  the  worst  and  most  intolerable 
on  earth.  Who  are  the  men  of  these  states  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  this  admirable  government  ?  I  will  name  them — 
their  names  ought  to  be  engraven  on  brass  and  live  forever. 
They  were  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Judge 
Patterson  of  New  Jersey.  The  other  states  farther  South 
were  blind — they  did  not  see  the  future.  But  to  the  coolness 
and  sagacity  of  these  three  men,  aided  by  a  few  others,  not  so 
prominent,  we  owe  the  present  Constitution." 

Such  is  the  tribute  paid  to  Connecticut  by  one  of  the  greatest 
of  American  statesmen.  To  have  claimed  this  honor  to  our- 
selves might  have  been  offensive.  To  receive  it,  when  it  is 
tendered,  is  no  more  than  a  duty.  Here  then  we  are  in  1850, 
thirty-one  states,  skirting  two  oceans,  still  one  republic,  under 
one  tribunal  of  justice,  under  one  federal  Constitution,  which 
we  boast  as  a  frame  of  order  that  will  some  time  shelter  the 
rights  and  accommodate  the  manifold  interests  of  200,000,000 
of  people — the  greatest  achievement  of  legislative  wisdom  in 
the  modern  history  of  the  world — and  for  Connecticut,  who 
came  as  near  being  the  author  of  these  noble  appointments  as 
she  could,  and  do  it  by  the  votes  of  other  states — for  her  the 
principal  honor  and  reward  of  many  is  a  shrug  of  derision,  and 
the  sneer  that  calls  her  the  blue  law  state  ! 

Since  I  am  speaking  here  of  our  agency  in  the  matter  of 
laws  and  constitutions,  let  me  go  a  little  farther,  and  show  you 
with  what  justice  our  laws  can  be  made,  as  they  so  commonly 
are,  a  subject  of  derision.  The  derisive  epithet,  by  which  we 
are  so  often  distinguished,  was  given  us  by  the  tory  renegade, 
Peters,  who,  while  better  men  were  fighting  the  battles  of  their 
country,  was  skulking  in  London,  and  getting  his  bread  there, 
by  the  lies  he  could  produce  against  Connecticut.  The  men- 
dacity of  his  character  and  writings  has  been  a  thousand  times 
exposed,  and  the  very  laws  that  he  published,  as  the  "  blue," 
shown  to  be  forgeries  invented  by  himself;  and  yet  there  are 
many,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  who  do  not  soberly  believe  that 


14 

wooden  nutmegs  were  ever  manufactured  in  Connecticut,  who 
nevertheless  accept  the  blue  law  fiction  as  the  real  fact  of  his- 
tory. They  do  not  understand,  as  they  properly  might,  that 
the  two  greatest  dishonors  that  ever  befel  Connecticut,  are  the 
giving  birth  to  Benedict  Arnold  and  the  Reverend  Samuel 
Peters — unless  it  be  a  third  that  she  has  given  birth  to  so 
many  who,  denouncing  one,  are  yet  ready  to  believe  and  fol- 
low the  other. 

There  is  no  state  in  the  civilized  world  whose  laws,  headed 
by  the  noble  Constitution  of  the  Hartford  Colony,  are  more 
simple  and  righteous  ;  none  where  the  redress  of  wrongs  is  less 
expensive,  or  less  cumbered  by  tedious  and  useless  technicali- 
ties. It  is  even  doubtful  whether  the  new  code  of  practice  in 
New  York,  which  is  just  now  attracting  so  much  attention 
abroad,  requires  to  be  named  as  an  exception.  The  first  law 
Reports,  published  in  the  United  States,  were  Kirby's  Connec- 
ticut Reports.  The  first  law  school  of  the  nation  was  the  cele- 
brated school  of  Judge  Reeve,  at  Litchfield ,  a  school  which 
gave  the  first  impulse  to  law  as  a  science  in  our  country. 
Chief  Justice  Ellsworth,  Judges  Smith,  Gould.  Kent,  Walworth, 
and  I  know  not  how  many  others  most  distinguished  in  legal 
science  in  our  country,  were  sons  of  Connecticut.  Judge 
Ellsworth  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  Congress  that 
prepared  the  Judiciary  Act,  by  which  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
Nation  was  organized  ;  and  it  will  be  found  that  some  of  the 
provisions  of  that  Act  that  are  most  peculiar,  are  copied  verba- 
tim from  the  statutes  of  Connecticut.  The  practice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  is  often  said  to  resemble  the  practice  of  Con- 
necticut more  than  that  of  any  other  state.  And,  what  is  more, 
the  form,  of  the  Supreme  Court  itself,  as  a  tribunal  of  law, 
chancery,  admiralty  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  comprised  in 
one,  is  copied  from  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut. 

It  is  true  indeed,  reverting  to  the  earlier  laws  of  the  common- 
wealth, that  we  find  severities  enacted  against  the  Baptists  and 
Quakers,  precisely  as  in  Virginia,  New  York,  and  Massachu- 
setts. How  far  these  laws  were  executed  in  Connecticut, 
or  under  what  conditions,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say,  but  they 
seem  to  have  been  aimed  only  at  a  class  of  fanatics,  who  made 
it  a  point  of  duty  to  violate  the  religious  convictions  of  every 


15 

body  else  ;  bringing  their  logs  of  wood  to  chop  on  the  church 
steps  on  Sunday,  and  their  spinning  wheels  to  spin  by  the  door; 
and  walking  the  streets  in  the  questionable  grace  of  nudity, 
to  testify  against  the  sins  of  the  people.  In  1708,  the  English 
Quakers  petitioned  the  government  against  these  laws,  when 
Governor  Saltonstall  wrote  over  in  reply,  to  Sir  Henry  Ashurst, 
as  follows , — "  I  may  observe,  from  the  matter  of  their  objec- 
tions, that  they  have  a  further  reach  than  to  obtain  liberty  for 
their  own  persuasion,  as  they  pretend ;  (for  many  of  the  laws 
they  object  against  concern  them  no  more  than  if  they  were 
Turks  or  Jews,)  for  as  there  never  was,  that  I  know  of,  for  this 
twenty  years  that  I  have  resided  in  this  government,  any  one 
Quaker,  or  other  person,  that  suffered  upon  the  account  of  his 
different  persuasion,  .in  religious  matters,  from  the  body  of  this 
people,  so  neither  is  there  any  of  the  society  of  Quakers  any 
where  in  this  government,  unless  one  family  or  two,  on  the  line 
between  us  and  New  York  ;  which  yet  I  am  not  certain  of." 

Episcopacy  was  tolerated  here  by  a  public  act,  when,  as  yet, 
there  were  not  seventy  families  in  the  state  of  that  denomina- 
tion— at  the  very  time  too,  when  there  were  two  Presbyterian 
clergymen  lying  in  prison,  at  New  York,  for  the  crime  of 
preaching  a  sermon  and  baptising  a  child.  After  several  months 
they  obtained  their  release,  by  paying  a  fine  of  £500  sterling. 
Forty  years  later,  Dr.  Rogers,  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  was 
deterred,  by  threats  of  a  similar  penalty,  from  preaching  in 
Virginia.  The  whole  system  of  tithes  was  there  in  force,  as 
stiff  as  in  Ireland  now.  Fees  for  marrying,  churching  and 
burying  were  established  by  law.  In  1618,  a  law  was  passed 
in  Virginia,  requiring  every  person  to  attend  church  on  Sun- 
days and  church  holidays,  on  penalty  of  "  lying  neck  and  heels," 
as  it  was  called,  for  one  night,  and  being  held  to  labor  as  a 
slave,  by  the  colony,  for  the  week  following.  Eleven  years 
after,  this  penalty  was  changed,  to  a  fine  of  one  pound  of  to- 
bacco, "  to  be  paid  to  the  minister."  These  facts  I  cite,  not  to 
bring  reproach  on  other  states,  but  simply  to  show  that  religious 
intolerance  was  the  manner  of  the  times.  If,  in  the  New 
Haven  colony,  it  is  a  reproach  that  only  members  of  the  church 
were  permitted  to  vote,  the  same  was  true,  under  the  English 
constitution,  even  down  to  within  our  memory.  There  is  no 


16 

sufficient  evidence  that  any  person  was  ever  executed  for 
witchcraft  in  this  state,  though  there  were  several  trials,  and 
one  or  two  convictions  ;  which  the  Governor  and  Council  con- 
trived, I  believe,  in  one  way  or  another,  to  release.  Governor 
Winthrop  professed  sincere  scruples  about  the  crime  itself. 
How  it  was  in  Massachusetts  is  sufficiently  known  to  us  all. 
An  execution  for  this  crime  took  place  in  Switzerland,  in  1760; 
at  Wurtzberg  in  Germany,  in  1749  ;  also,  in  Scotland,  in  1722. 
And,  as  late  as  1716,  a  poor  woman,  and  her  daughter  only  nine 
years  old,  were  publicly  hanged  in  England,  for  selling  their 
souls  to  the  devil,  and  for  raising  a  storm  by  the  conjuration  of 
pulling  off  their  stockings.  The  English  statute  against  witch- 
craft stood  unrepealed,  even  down  to  1736. 

I  confess  I  was  never  able  to  see  why  so  heavy  a  share  of 
the  odium  of  this  kind  of  legislation  should  fall  on  the  state  of 
Connecticut ;  whose  only  reproach,  in  the  matter,  is  that  she 
was  not  farther  in  advance  of  the  civilized  world,  by  another 
half  century.  If  the  citizens  of  other  states  are  able  sometimes 
to  amuse  themselves  at  our  expense,  we  certainly  are  not  re- 
quired to*  add  to  their  amusement  by  an  over  sensitive  re- 
sentment. But  if  any  son  or  citizen  of  Connecticut  is  wil- 
ling to  accept  and  appropriate  as  characteristic  of  its  his- 
tory, the  slang  epithet  which  perpetuates  a  tory  lie  and  forgery, 
then  I  have  only  to  say  that  we  have  just  so  much  reason  to  be 
ashamed  of  the  state — on  his  account.  He  is  either  raw  enough 
to  be  taken  by  a  very  low  imposture,  or  base  enough  in  feeling 
to  enjoy  a  sneer  at  his  mother's  honor. 

We  have  some  right,  I  think,  to  another  kind  of  distinction, 
which  we  have  never  asserted  ;  that  namely  of  being  the  colony 
most  distinctively  independent  in  our  character  and  proceed- 
ings, in  the  times  of  the  colonial  history,  previous  to  the  revo- 
lution. We  were  able  to  be  so,  in  part,  from  our  more  retired 
and  sheltered  position,  and  partly  also  because  of  the  very  pe- 
culiar terms  of  our  charter.  Massachusetts,  Virginia,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  all  the  other  states,  with  the  exception  of 
Rhode  Island,  were  obliged  by  their  charters,  or  the  vacation 
of  their  charters,  to  accept  a  chief  executive,  or  governor,  ap- 
pointed by  the  crown.  These  royal  governors  had  a  negative 


17 

upon  the  laws.  They  personated  the  king,  maintaining  a  kind 
of  court  pomp  and  majesty,  overawi-ng  the  people,  thwarting 
their  legislation,  wielding  a  legal  control,  in  right  of  the  king, 
over  the  whole  military  force,  much  as  at  the  present  day  in 
Canada.  But  the  charter  obtained  for  Connecticut,  by  the 
singular  address  of  Winthrop,  allowed  us  to  choose  our  own 
governor  and  exercise  all  the  functions  of  civil  order.  And  so 
we  grew  up,  as  a  people,  unawed  by  the  trappings  of  royalty,  a 
race  of  simple,  self-governing  republicans. 

For  three  little  towns,  on  the  Connecticut,  to  declare  inde- 
pendence of  the  mother  country,  we  can  easily  see  would  have 
been  the  part  of  madness — probably  they  had  not  so  much  as  a 
thought  of  it — and  yet  they  had  a  something,  a  wish,  an  in- 
stinct, call  it  what  you  will,  which  could  write  itself  properly 
out,  in  their  constitution,  only  in  the  words,  "  Supreme  Power." 
And  I  see  not  how  these  words,  formally  asserting  the  sovereign- 
ty of  their  General  Court,  escaped  chastisement:  unless  it  was 
that  they  found  a  shelter  for  the  crime,  in  their  remoteness,  and 
the  obscurity  of  their  position.  In  this  view,  there  was  a  kind 
of  sublimity  in  the  sturdy  growth  of  their  sheltered  and  silent 
state.  They  had  no  theories  of  democracy  to  assert.  They 
put  on  no  brave  airs  for  liberty.  But  they  loved  their  con- 
science and  their  religion,  and  in  just  the  same  degree,  loved 
not  to  be  meddled  with.  In  this  habit  their  children  grew  up. 
Their  very  intelligence  became  an  eye  of  jealousy,  and  they 
acknowledged  the  right  of  the  king,  much  as  when  we  acknowl- 
edge the  lightning — by  lifting  a  rod  to  carry  it  off!  But  when 
the  king  came  down  upon  them,  in  some  act  of  authority  or 
royal  interference  that  touched  the  security  of  their  principles 
or  their  position,  then  it  was  as  if  the  Great  Being,  who  had 
"  ordained  whatsoever  comes  to  pass,"  had  ordained  that  some 
things  should  not  come  to  pass. 

On  as  many  as  four  several  occasions,  during  the  colonial 
history,  they  set  themselves  in  open  conflict  with  the  king's 
authority,  and  triumphed  by  their  determination.  First  in  the 
case  of  the  regicide  Judges,  secreted  at  New  Haven  ;  when 
Davenport  took  for  his  text — "  Make  thy  shadow  as  night  in  the 
midst  of  noon,  hide  the  outcasts,  bewray  not  him  that  wander- 
eth."  The  king's  officers  were  active  in  the  search ;  but,  for 
2 


18 

some  reason,  the  noon  was  as  the  night,  and  their  victims  could 
not  be  found.  Massachusetts  expostulated  with  the  refractory 
people  of  New  Haven,  representing  how  much  they  would  en- 
danger all  the  colonies,  if  they  did  not  hasten  to  address  His 
Majesty  in  some  proper  excuse,  to  which  they  replied  that  they 
were  ignorant  of  the  form  ! 

Again,  by  rallying  a  force  at  New  London,  when  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andross  landed  there,  to  proclaim  the  new  patent  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  take  possession  of  the  town — silencing  him 
in  the  act,  and  compelling  him  to  return  to  his  ships. 

A  third  time,  when  this  same  officer  came  on  to  Hartford,  to 
vacate  the  charter — a  passage  of  history  commemorated  by  the 
noble  oak,  whose  gnarled  trunk  and  limbs  still  remain,  to  rep- 
resent the  crabbed  independence  of  the  men,  who  would  not 
yield  their  rights  to  the  royal  mandate.  May  the  old  oak  live 
forever ! 

And  yet  a  fourth  time,  by  asserting  and  vindicating,  what 
is  the  essential  attribute  of  political  independence,  viz.  the  con- 
trol and  sovereignty  of  their  own  military  force.  Governor 
Fletcher  came  on  to  Hartford,  from  New  York,  to  demand  the 
control  of  the  militia  in  the  king's  name ;  and  when  he  insisted 
on  reading  the  proclamation,  he  was  drummed  into  silence  by 
command  of  Wadsworth,  the  chief  officer.  When  the  drum- 
mer slacked,  the  word  was,  "  Drum  I  say ;"  and  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, "  Stop,  Sir,  or  I  will  make  the  sun  shine  through  you  in 
an  instant."  He  withdrew, — the  point  was  carried,  and  the 
control  of  the  military  was  retained.  After  that,  when  Pitt,  at 
the  height  of  his  power,  wanted  troops  from  Connecticut,  he 
sent  the  request  of  a  levy  to  the  Legislature,  not  a  military 
order. 

It  is  not  my  design,  as  you  have  seen,  to  represent,  in  these 
facts  of  history,  that  we  had  consciously  and  purposely  set  up 
for  independence ;  but  only  that  we  had  so  much  of  the  self- 
governing  spirit  in  us,  nourished  by  the  scope  of  our  charter, 
and  sheltered  by  our  more  retired  position,  that  we  took  our 
independence  before  we  knew  it,  and  had  the  reality  before  we 
made  the  claim. 

In  Massachusetts,  the  metropolitan  colony,  which  had  a  more 
open  relation  to  the  mother  country,  the  spirit  of  independence 


19 

was  checked  continually  by  considerations  of  prudence  and,  at 
Boston  especially,  by  the  presence  of  the  king  and  a  kind  of 
court  influence  maintained  by  the  royal  governors.  Accord- 
ingly the  Rev.  Daniel  Barber,  who  went  on  with  the  Connecti- 
cut troops  to  Boston,  at  the  first  outbreak  of  the  Revolution, 
says, — "In  our  march  through  Connecticut,  the  inhabitants 
seemed  to  view  us  with  joy  and  gladness,  but  when  we  came 
into  Massachusetts  and  advanced  nearer  to  Boston,  the  inhab- 
itants, where  we  stopped,  seemed  to  have  no  better  opinion  of 
us  than  if  we  had  been  a  banditti  of  rogues  and  thieves;  which 
mortified  our  feelings,  and  drew  from  us  expressions  of  angry 
resentment" — a  fact  in  which  we  see,  what  could  not  be  other- 
wise, that  the  people  'nearest  to  the  court  influence  in  the  me- 
tropolis, were  many  of  them  infected  with  a  spirit  opposite  to 
the  cause  of  the  colonies.  But  here  in  the  rear  ground,  and  a 
little  removed  from  observation,  it  was  far  otherwise.  Here 
the  sturdy  spirit  found  room  to  grow  and  embody  itself,  unre- 
strained by  authority,  uncorrupted  by  mixtures  of  opposing 
influence.  How  necessary  this  sound  rear-work  of  independ- 
ence and  homogenous  feeling,  in  Connecticut,  may  have  been 
to  the  confidence  and  the  finally  decisive  action  of  the  men,  who 
immediately  confronted  the  royal  supremacy  in  Massachusetts, 
we  may  never  know.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  causes  of  pub- 
lic events  most  prominent,  are  not  always  the  most  real  and 
effective. 

It  is  noticeable,  also,  that  we  went  into  the  revolution  under 
peculiar  advantages.  We  were  not  obliged  to  fall  into  civil 
disorganization  by  ejecting  a  royal  governor,  in  the  manner  of 
other  colonies.  Our  state  was  full  organized,  under  a  chief 
magistracy  of  her  own,  having  command  of  her  own  military 
force,  ready  to  move,  without  loosing  a  pin  in  her  political  fab- 
ric. One  of  the  royal  governors  ejected  was  even  sent  to  Con- 
necticut for  safe  keeping.  We  had  kept  up  our  fire  in  the  rear, 
making  every  hamlet  and  village  ring  with  defiance,  and  erect- 
ing our  poles  of  liberty  on  every  hill,  during  the  very  important 
interval  between  the  passage  of  the  Boston  port  bill  and  the 
stamp  act.  And  so  fierce  and  universal  was  the  spirit  of  resist- 
ance here,  that,  while  the  stamps  were  carried  into  all  the  other 


20 

states,  no  officer  of  the  crown  dared  undertake  the  sale  of  them 
in  Connecticut. 

The  forwardness  of  our  state  in  the  matter  of  independence, 
is  sufficiently  evinced  by  the  fact  that  our  Legislature  passed  a 
bill,  on  the  14th  of  June  previous  to  the  memorable  4th  of  July, 
instructing  her  delegates  to  urge  an  immediate  declaration  of 
independence.  Nor  did  she  sign  that  declaration  by  the  hands 
only  of  her  own  delegates.  Two  of  her  descendents  in  New 
Jersey  and  one  in  Georgia,  are  among  the  names  enrolled  in 
that  honored  instrument.  Georgia  withheld  herself,  at  first, 
from  the  Revolution.  But  there  was  a  little  Puritan  settlement 
at  Midway,  in  that  state,  in  which,  as  a  physician  and  a  man 
of  public  influence,  resided  Doctor  Hall,  a  native  of  Walling- 
ford,  and  a  graduate  of  Yale  College.  These  Midway  Puritans 
were  resolved  to  have  their  part  in  the  Revolution,  at  all  haz- 
ards. .  They  made  choice  of  Doctor  Hall  and  sent  him  on  to 
the  Congress  as  their  delegate.  He  signed  the  declaration  and, 
the  next  year,  Georgia  came  forward  and  took  her  place,  led 
into  the  Revolution  by  the  hand  of  Connecticut.  Is  it  then  too 
much  to  affirm,  in  view  of  all  these  facts,  that  if  any  state  in 
the  union  deserves  to  be  called  the  Independent  State,  Connect- 
icut may  safely  challenge  that  honor. 

I  must  also  speak  of  the  military  honors  of  our  history.  Mar- 
tial distinctions  are  not  the  highest,  and  yet  there  is  a  kind  of 
military  glory  that  can  never  fade ;  that,  I  mean,  which  is 
.gained  in  the  defence  of  justice  and  liberty,  as  distinguished 
.from  the  idle  bravery  of  chivalry,  and  the  rapacious  violence  of 
conquest. 

It  is  abundantly  clear,  as  a  fact  of  history,  that  our  two  colo- 
nies meant,  in  their  public  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes,  to 
fulfil  the  exactest  terms  of  justice  and  good  neighborhood.  Still 
it  happened,  doubtless,  as  it  always  will  in  such  cases,  that  indi- 
viduals, instigated  by  a  spirit  of  mischief  or  insolence,  or  by  the 
cupidity  of  gain,  trepassed  on  their  rights,  not  seldom,  in  acts 
of  bitter  outrage.  Such  wrongs  could  not  be  absolutely  pre- 
vented, and,  by  reason  of  a  diversity  of  language  and  the  sepa- 
rate, wild  habit  of  the  Indians,  could  not  be  effectually  investi- 
gated or  redressed.  Exasperated,  in  this  manner,  they  of 


course  would  take  their  revenge  in  acts  of  violence  and  blood  ; 
and  then  it  would  be  necessary  to  arm  the  public  force  against 
them,  for  the  public  protection.  It  is  very  easy  to  theorize  in 
this  matter,  and  say  how  it  should  be,  but  this  issue,  much  as 
we  deplore  it,  could  not  well  be  avoided. 

It  is  affirmed  and,  by  many,  believed  that  the  Pequods  had 
been  instigated  in  this  manner,  to  the  thirty  murders  perpetra- 
ted in  their  incursions  on  the  river  settlements,  during  the  win- 
ter and  spring  of  1637.  Be  it  so,  the  colony  must  still  be  de- 
fended. Every  settlement  is  filled  with  consternation.  They 
set  their  watch  by  night,  and  tend  their  signal  flag  by  day  to 
give  notice  of  enemies.  The  Pequods  have  been  described  to 
them  as  one  of  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  of  the  Indian 
tribes.  They  imagine  them  dwelling  in  the  deep  woods,  guessing 
how  powerful  they  may  be,  and  at  what  hour  the  foe  may  burst 
upon  their  settlement,  here  or  there,  in  the  fury  of  savage  war. 
What  they  dread,  in  the  power  of  their  enemy,  so  long  and 
wearily,  they,  of  course,  magnify.  It  is  no  time  now  for  such 
points  of  casuistry  as  entertain  us.  The  hour  has  come,  a  de- 
cisive blow  must  be  struck;  for  the  danger  and  the  dread  are 
no  longer  supportable. 

It  had  also  been  ascertained  that  the  Pequods  were  endeav- 
oring to  enlist  all  the  other  tribes,  in  a  common  cause  against 
the  colonies.  Massachusetts,  accordingly,  had  agreed  to  join 
the  expedition  against  them,  but  at  what  point  the  junction 
would  be  made  could  not  be  settled  beforehand.  With  his 
ninety  men,  a  full  half  the  able  bodied  men  of  the  colony,  Capt. 
Mason  descended  the  river  to  Saybrook,  passed  round  to  the 
Narragansett  Bay,  and,  falling  in  there  with  a  small  party  of 
Massachusetts  men  returning  from  Block  Island,  made  his  land- 
ing. His  inferior  officers,  when  he  opened  his  plan,  proposing 
to  march  directly  into  the  Pequod  country,  waiting  for  no  junc- 
tion with  the  Massachusetts  troops,  strenuously  opposed  him. 
They  were  to  pierce  an  unknown  country  and  meet  an  un- 
known enemy.  What  could  assure  this  little  band  of  men  against 
extermination,  fighting  in  the  woods  with  a  fierce  nation  of  sav- 
ages ?  But  the  chaplain  led  them  to  God  for  direction,  and 
they  yielded  their  dissent.  And  here,  in  the  stand  of  Mason, 
is,  in  fact,  the  battle  and  the  victory  ;  for  they  came  upon  the 


22 

great  fort  of  the  enemy,  after  a  rapid  march,  and  took  it  so  com- 
pletely by  surprise,  that  what  was  to  be  a  battle  became  only  a 
conflagration  and  a  massacre.  The  glory  is  not  here,  but  in 
the  celerity  of  movement  and  the  peremptory  military  decision 
that  brought  them  here.  They  are  too  few  in  number  to  make 
prisoners  of  their  enemy,  and  another  body  of  the  tribe,  whose 
number  is  unknown,  are  near  at  hand.  Accordingly  their 
work  must  be  short  and  decisive — a  work  they  make  it  of  ex- 
termination. We  look  on  the  scene  with  sadness  and  with 
mixtures  of  revolted  feeling ;  but  we  are  none  the  less  able 
to  see,  in  this  exploit  of  Mason,  with  his  ninety  men,  why  Crom- 
well wanted  him  for  a  Major  General  in  his  army.  He  under- 
stands, we  perceive,  as  thoroughly  as  Napoleon,  that  celerity 
and  decision  are  sometimes  necessary  elements  of  success,  and 
even  of  safety.  This  kind  of  generalship  too  requires  a  great 
deal  more  of  nerve  and  military  courage  often,  than  the  fighting 
of  a  hard  contested  battle. 

This  reduction  of  the  Pequods  is  remarkable  as  being  the 
first  proper  military  expedition,  or  trial  of  arms  in  New  Eng- 
land. If  they  had  been  wronged,  we  pity  them.  If  not,  stiU 
we  pity  them.  In  any  view,  the  colony  has  done  what  it  could 
not  avoid,  and  the  long  agony  of  their  fear  is  over.  Their  wives 
and  children  can  sleep  in  peace. 

Mason  returned  with  his  little  Puritan  legion  to  Hartford, 
having  lost  in  the  encounter  but  a  single  man,  the  guns  of  the 
fort  at  Saybrook  booming  out  through  the  forests,  in  a  salute  of 
victory,  as  he  passed,  and  was  immediately  complimented,  by 
the  Legislature,  in  the  appointment  of  general-in-chief  to  the 
colony.  Hooker  was  designated  to  deliver  him  his  commis- 
sion, in  presence  of  the  assembled  people. 

Here  is  a  scene  for  the  painter  of  some  future  day — I  see  it 
even  now  before  me.  In  the  distance  and  behind  the  huts  of 
Hartford,  waves  the  signal  flag  by  which  the  town  watch  is  to 
give  notice  of  enemies.  In  the  foreground,  stands  the  tall, 
swart  form  of  the  soldier  in  his  armor ;  and  before  him,  in 
sacred  apostolic  beauty,  the  majestic  Hooker.  Haynes  and 
Hopkins,  with  the  Legislature  and  the  hardy,  toil-worn  settlers 
and  their  wives  and  daughters,  are  gathered  round  them  in 
close  order,  gazing,  with  moistened  eyes,  at  the  hand  which  lifts 


23 

the  open  commission  to  God,  and  listening  to  the  fervent  prayer 
that  the  God  of  Israel  will  endue  his  servant,  as  heretofore,  with 
courage  and  counsel  to  lead  them  in  the  days  of  their  future 
peril.  True  there  is  nothing  classic  in  this  scene.  This  is  no 
crown  bestowed  at  the  Olympic  games,  or  at  a  Roman  triumph, 
and  yet  there  is  a  severe,  primitive  sublimity  in  the  picture, 
that  will  sometime  be  invested  with  feelings  of  the  deepest 
reverence.  Has  not  the  time  already  come,  when  the  people 
of  Connecticut  will  gladly  testify  that  reverence,  by  a  monu- 
ment that  sKall  make  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Yantic,  where 
Mason  sleeps,  as  beautifully  historic,  and  be  a  mark  to  the  eye 
from  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  loveliest,  as  well  as  most 
populous,  towns  of  our  ancient  commonwealth  ? 

The  conduct  of  our  state,  in  two  other  chapters  of  history  of  a 
later  date,  displays  a  moral  dignity,  as  well  as  military  firmness, 
of  which  we  have  the  highest  reason  to  be  proud.  The  Dutch 
governor  of  New  York,  it  was  ascertained,  had  entered  into 
an  alliance  wTith  the  savages,  to  make  war  upon  the  English 
colonies.  J?he  commissioners  of  these  colonies,  already  united 
in  a  federal  compact  with  each  other,  had  voted  a  levy  of  troops 
for  the  defence,  and  assessed  the  number  to  be  raised  by  each. 
The  Hartford  and  New  Haven  colonies  were  prompt  and  inde- 
fatigable in  their  exertions,  as  their  own  more  immediate  expo- 
sure required.  Plymouth  was  ready  and  kept  her  faith,  but 
Massachusetts  tempted,  for  once,  to  an  act  of  perfidy,  most 
sadly  contrasted  with  her  noble  history,  refused  ;  leaving  the 
Connecticut  colonies  cruelly  exposed  to  the  whole  force  of  the 
enemy.  The  condition  of  our  people  was  one  of  distressing 
excitement.  Every  hour,  for  a  whole  half  year,  it  was  expected 
that  the  invasion  would  begin.  Forts  were  erected,  a  frigate 
was  manned,  night  and  day  were  spent  in  watching ;  till, 
at  length,  the  victory  of  the  English  over  the  Dutch  fleet  at 
sea  put  an  end  to  the  danger ;  only  leaving  the  two  colonies  of 
Connecticut  overwhelmed  by  enormous  expenses  incurred  for 
their  defence.  The  indignation  was  universal.  And  when  the 
commissioners  were  assembled  again,  at  their  annual  meeting, 
our  commissioners  magnanimously  refused  to  sit  with  those  from 
Massachusetts,  without  some  atonement  for  their  ignominious 
breach  of  faith  and  duty. 


Then  came  the  turn  of  Massachusetts.  King  Philip,  as  he 
was  called,  had  rallied  all  the  savage  tribes  of  New  England,  for 
a  last,  desperate  effort  to  expel  and  exterminate  the  colonies, 
The  havoc  was  dreadful — whole  towns  swept  away  by  the 
nightly  incursions  of  the  savages,  wives  and  children  massacred* 
companies  of  troops  surprised  and  butchered,  all  the  frontier 
settlements  of  Massachusetts  smoking  in  blood  and  conflagra- 
tion. It  was  the  dark  day  of  the  colonies,  and,  for  a  time,  it 
really  seemed  that  they  must  be  exterminated.  Then  it  was 
that  Connecticut  proved  her  fidelity,  sending  out  five  compa- 
nies of  troops  to  the  aid  of  Massachusetts.  And  the  combined 
troops  marched  together,  in  a  cold  snowy  day,  fifteen  miles 
through  the  forests,  fought  in  the  deep  snow  one  of  the  blood- 
iest battles  on  record,  and  then  marched  back,  carrying  their 
wounded  with  them,  to  encamp  in  the  open  air.  The  attack 
was  upon  the  great  fort  of  the  Narragarisets,  and  was  led  by 
the  Massachusetts  troops,  in  a  spirit  of  valor  worthy  of  success. 
Unable,  however,  to  force  the  entrance,  they  were  obliged, 
after  suffering  greatly  from  the  enemy,  to  fall  back.  The  Con- 
necticut troops  were  then  brought  up,  and  we  ma}  judge  of 
their  determination  by  the  fact,  that  nearly  one-third  of  their 
number  fell  in  the  assault,  and  that,  out  of  their  five  captains, 
three  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  a  fourth  died  of  his  wounds 
afterwards.  The  assault  was  carried.  The  second  winter, 
four  companies  of  rangers,  raised  in  New  London  county,  were 
sent  out,  by  turns,  to  scour  the  Narragansett  country,  and  har- 
rass  the  enemy  by  a  continual  desultory  warfare.  Finally,  the 
tide  was  turned,  and  the  capture  of  Philip  ended  the  struggle. 
Thus  nobly  did  Connecticut  repay  the  injustice  and  wrong  of  her 
sister  colony. 

We  can  hardly  imagine  it,  but  there  was  seldom  a  year 
in  the  early  history  of  our  state,  now  so  quiet  and  remote  from 
the  turmoils  of  war,  when  she  was  not  marching  her  troops,  one 
way  or  another,  to  defend  her  own,  or  more  commonly  some 
neighboring  settlement — to  Albany,  to  Brookfield,  to  Spring- 
field, to  the  Narragansett  country,  to  Schenectady,  to  Crown 
Point,  to  Louisburg,  to  Canada — issuing  bills  of  credit,  levying, 
all  the  while,  enormous  taxes,  and  maintaining  a  warlike  activity 
scarcely  surpassed  by  Lacedemon  itself.  There  was  never  a 


25 

spark  of  chivalry  in  her  leaders,  and  yet  there  was  never  a 
coward  among  them.  Their  courage  had  the  Christian  stamp, 
it  was  practical  and  related  to  duty  ;  always  exerted  for  some 
object  of  defence  and  safety.  They  knew  nothing  of  fighting 
without  an  object,  and  when  they  had  one,  they  went  to  the 
work  bravely,  simply  because  it  was  sound  economy  to  fight 
well !  We  are  accustomed  to  speak  of  the  wars  of  the  revolu- 
tion, but  these  earlier  wars,  so  little  remembered,  were  far  more 
adventurous  and  required  a  much  stouter  endurance. 

When  combined  with  the  British  forces,  our  troops  were,  of 
course,  commanded  in  chief  by  British  leaders,  and  these  were 
generally  incompetent  to  the  kind  of  warfare  necessary  in  this 
country.  Scarcely  ever  did  they  lose  a  battle  or  suffer  a  de- 
feat in  these  wars,  in  which  our  provincial  captains  did  not  first 
protest  against  their  plan.  Sometimes  the  Parliament  were 
constrained  to  compliment  our  troops,  but  more  generally,  if 
some  exploit  was  carried  by  the  prowess  of  a  colonial  captain, 
as  in  the  case  of  Lyman,  the  hero  of  Crown  Point,  his  superior 
was  knighted  and  he  forgotten.  In  the  last  French  war,  under  Pitt, 
when  a  larg%  part  of  her  little  territory  was  yet  a  wilderness, 
Connecticut  raised  and  kept  in  the  field,  at  her  own  expense, 
for  three  successive  years,  5,000  men ;  so  great  was  her  endur- 
ance and  her  zeal  against  the  common  enemy.  It  was  here 
that  Putnam  and  Worcester  took  their  lessons  of  exercise  in 
the  military  art,  and  practiced  their  courage  for  a  more  serious 
and  eventful  struggle. 

This  eventful  struggle  came ;  finding  no  state  readier  to  act 
a  worthy  and  heroic  part  in  it.  As  early  as  September,  1774, 
the  false  rumor  of  an  outbreak  in  Boston  had  set  the  whole  mil- 
itary force  of  the  colony  in  motion — a  sign,  before  the  time,  of 
what  was  to  be  done  when  the  time  arrived.  In  April  of 
1775,  before  the  battle  of  Lexington  and  before  the  Revolution 
could  be  generally  regarded  as  an  ascertained  fact,  a  circle  o  f 
sagacious,  patriotic  men,  assembled  in  Hartford,  perceiving  the 
immense  advantage  that  would  accrue  to  the  cause,  from  the 
capture  and  possession  of  the  Northern  fortresses  that  com- 
manded Lake  Champlain,  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  em- 
barked in  a  scheme,  to  seize  them,  by  a  surprise  of  the  British 
garrisons.  They  had  a  secret  understanding  with  Governor 


26 

Trumbull,  and  drew  their  funds  from  the  public  treasury,  by  a 
note  under  the  joint  signature  of  their  names,  eleven  in  num- 
ber. The  enterprise  was  committed  to  Ethan  Allen  and  Seth 
Warner,  both  natives  of  Roxbury,  now  residing  in  Vermont. 
A  few  men  were  sent  on  from  Connecticut,  forty  or  fifty  more 
were  collected  in  Berkshire  county,  in  Massachusetts,  and  the 
remainder  were  enlisted  in  Vermont.  The  enterprise  was  suc- 
cessful. More  than  two  hundred  cannon  were  captured — the 
same  that  were  afterwards  dragged  across  the  mountains  to 
Boston,  and  employed  by  Washington  in  the  seige  and  final 
expulsion  of  Lord  Howe.  When  the  commander,  of  Ticonde- 
roga,  inquired  by  what  authority  the  surrender  was  demanded, 
Allen's  reply  was — "  In  the  name  of  the  Great  Jehovah  and  the 
Continental  Congress."  That  he  had  no  authority  from  the 
Continental  Congress,  save  what  had  come  to  him  through  the 
Great  Jehovah,  is  certainly  very  clear ;  hence,  I  suppose,  the 
form  of  his  answer. 

It  appears  that  Benedict  Arnold,  who  was  in  Boston  about 
this  time,  obtained  a  commission  from  the  committee  of  safety 
there,  authorising  him  to  conduct,  in  their  behalf,  a  similar  un- 
dertaking. But  finding  himself  anticipated,  when  he  reached 
Vermont,  he  was  obliged  to  waive  his  right  of  command  and 
took  his  place,  as  a  volunteer,  under  Allen.  Some  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts historians,  who  have  claimed  the  credit  of  this  ex- 
ploit, in  behalf  of  their  state,  are  clearly  seen,  therefore,  to  have 
trespassed  on  the  honors  of  Connecticut.  Connecticut  projected 
and  executed  the  movement.  The  treasury  of  Connecticut 
footed  the  bills.  The  prisoners  were  brought  to  Connecticut  and 
quartered  at  West  Hartford. 

The  surrender  of  these  fortresses  took  place  on  the  10th  of 
May.  Meantime,  on  the  18th  of  April,  and  before  the  capture 
was  consummated,  the  news  of  the  battles  of  Concord  and 
Lexington  had  arrived,  and  resistance  to  the  mother  country 
was  seen  to  be  openly  begun.  Putnam  left  his  plow  in  the  fur- 
row, not  remaining,  it  is  even  said,  to  unyoke  his  oxen,  and 
flew  to  the  field  of  action.  The  troops  of  the  state  poured  after 
him,  to  be  gathered  under  his  command.  The  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill  soon  followed. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  question,  who  commanded  in  this 


27 

very  celebrated  battle,  has  never  yet  been  settled.  The  Massa- 
chusetts historians  have  generally  maintained  that  ftescott  was 
the  commander ;  and  some  of  them  have  even  gone  so  far  as 
not  to  recognise  the  presence  of  Putnam  in  it.  The  more  can- 
did and  moderate  have  generally  admitted  his  presence  in  the 
field  and  the  valuable  service  rendered,  by  his  inspiriting  and 
heroic  conduct.  Prescott,  they  say,  commanded  in  the  trenches, 
and  Putnam  was  engaged  outside  of  the  trenches,  in  the  open 
field  and  about  the  other  hill  by  which  the  redoubt  was  over- 
looked or  commanded  ;  doing  what  he  could  for  the  success  of 
the  day,  but  only  in  virtue  of  the  commission  he  had  from  his 
own  personal  enthusiasm.  As  regards  any  chief  command 
over  the  whole  field  of  operations,  they  suppose  there  probably 
was  none,  alleging  that  the  army  was  really  not  organized,  and 
no  scale  of  proper  military  precedence  established. 

As  respects  this  latter  point,  which  at  first  view  might  seem 
to  be  true,  they  are  certainly  in  a  mistake.  For  Putnam  had 
been  expressly  ordered,  by  our  Legislature,  to  put  himself  under 
the  chief  command  of  Massachusetts  ;  as  the  conditions  of  the 
case  evidently  required.  He  was  serving,  therefore,  as  an  in- 
tegral part  of  the  military  force  of  Massachusetts.  Neither  was 
he  or  Prescott,  or  Warren,  the  general-in-chief«pf  the  army,  so 
raw  in  the  practice  of  arms  as  not  to  know  that,  being  on  the 
ground  as  a  general  of  brigade,  the  scale  of  military  precedence 
made  him,  ipso  facto,  principal  in  command  over  the  colonel  of 
a  regiment. 

To  the  same  conclusion  we  are  brought,  by  a  careful  review 
of  all  the  facts  pertaining  to  the  battle  itself.  There  appears 
to  be  sufficient  evidence  that  General  Putnam,  after  his  suc- 
cessful encounter  sometimes  called  the  battle  of  Chelsea, 
which  took  place  on  the  27th  of  May  previous,  and  by  which 
he  had  produced  some  stir  of  sensation  in  the  army,  became 
more  impatient  of  a  state  of  inaction  than  ever,  and  proposed 
himself,  in  the  council  of  war,  that  they  should  take  up  this  ad- 
vanced position  on  Bunker  Hill.  Prescott  was  in  favor  of  the 
movement,  but,  Gen.  Ward  and  others,  including  even  Gen.  War- 
ren a  member  of  the  Council  of  Safety,  were  opposed;  regarding 
the  attempt  as  being  too  hazardous  in  itself,  and  one  that  would 
endanger  the  main  position  at  Cambridge.  Besides,  what  proba- 


28 

bly  had  quite  as  much  influence,  they  distrusted  the  spirit  of  the 
troops,  stilj  raw  in  discipline ;  doubling  whether  they  would 
come  to  the  point  of  an  open,  pitched  battle  with  the  king  and 
stand  their  ground.  They  had  the  same  feeling  that  Washing- 
ton had,  when  he  enquired,  after  the  battle — "  Could  they  stand 
fire  ?"  and  when  the  answer  was  given,  replied — "  the  cause  is 
safe !"  Putnam  believed  they  would  stand  fire  before  hand* 
urging  the  necessity  of  action  to  bring  out  the  spirit  that  was  in 
them  and  confirm  it.  Give  them  a  good  breast- work  on  the 
hill,  he  said,  laughingly,  and  they  will  hold  it.  "  They  are  not 
afraid  of  their  heads,  though  very  much  afraid  of  their  legs ;  if 
you  cover  these  they  will  fight  forever."  Warren,  who  was 
pacing  the  room,  paused  over  a  chair,  and  said,  "  Almost  thou 
persuadest  me,  Putnam.  Still,  I  think  the  project  rash  ;  but  if 
you  undertake  it,  ['  you,'  observe]  you  will  not  be  surprised  to 
find  me  at  your  side."  Finally,  ascertaining  that  Gen.  Gage 
was  about  to  do  the  very  thing  proposed,  their  hesitation  was 
brought  to  an  end. 

It  was  supposed,  in  the  council,  that  "  two  thousand  men" 
would  be  required  to  effect  and  maintain  the  proposed  occupa- 
tion. Accordingly  we  are  to  understand  that,  when  only  a 
thousand  were  detailed,  under  Col.  Prescott,  to  occupy  the  hill 
and  open  the  entrenchments  on  the  night  of  the  16th,  it  was  ex- 
pected that  other  troops  were  to  be  sent  forward  under  a  more 
general  command,  when  they  were  wanted.  And  beyond  a 
question  this  command  was  to  be  in  Putnam,  the  chief  mover 
of  the  enterprise.  Accordingly  we  see  that  Putnam  went  over 
with  the  detachment,  under  Prescott,  and  assisted  in  directing 
where  the  entrenchment  should  be  opened,  viz  :  on  the  lower 
summit,  or  part  of  Bunker  Hill,  nearest  to  the  city,  afterwards 
called  Breed's  Hill ;  in  the  understanding  that  the  higher  emi- 
nence should  be  taken  afterward,  when  required,  and  entrench- 
ments opened  there.  Putnam  returned  that  night  to  Cam- 
bridge, and  was  back  in  the  early  dawn  of  the  morning,  as  a 
responsible  officer  should  be,  to  see  the  condition  of  the  works. 
At  ten  o'clock,  he  was  in  the  field  again.  And  as  soon  as  it  be- 
came evident  that  there  was  to  be  an  assault  upon  the  works, 
he  ordered  on  the  Connecticut  troops,  by  the  consent  of  General 
Ward,  and  was  there,  on  the  field,  at  the  beginning  of  the  en- 


29 

gagement.  Leaving  Prescott,  of  course,  to  his  position,  which 
he  had  simply  to  maintain,  \ve  see  him  directing  the  detach- 
ments to  their  places ;  beginning  entrenchments  on  the  other 
summit ;  rebuking  and  rallying  the  timid  ;  seizing  on  a  cannon? 
which  it  was  said,  could  not  be  loaded,  and  loading  and  firing  it 
himself;  maintaining  the  left  wing  which  Lord  Howe  was  con- 
stantly endeavoring  to  carry,  and  the  yielding  of  which  would, 
at  any  moment,  have  ended  the  struggle  of  Prescott  on  the  hill ; 
saving  also,  by  his  firmness  here,  the  retreat  of  Prescott  from  be- 
ing only  a  slaughter  or  a  capture ;  last  in  the  retreat  himself, 
trying  to  rally  for  a  stand  upon  the  other  hill,  and  only  not  en- 
deavoring to  maintain  the  post  alone  ;  then  withdrawing  and,  of 
his  own  counsel,  mounting  Prospect  Hill  with  the  Connecticut 
forces,  opening  his  entrenchments  there  in  the  night,  and  hold- 
ing it  as  a  position  between  the  enemy  and  Cambridge  ;  a 
movement  by  which  he  probably  saved  the  town  and  the  public 
stores  of  the  army ;  for  when  the  enemy  saw  his  works  there 
the  next  morning,  they  had  no  courage  left  to  try  a  second  day, 
against  a  position  so  admirably  chosen — a  position  in  which  he 
was  afterwards  installed,  by  Washington,  to  maintain  the  honors 
of  the  centre  of  the  army. 

There  was  little  reason,  as  we  have  seen,  for  Putnam  to  be 
multiplying  orders  to  Prescott ;  the  only  thing  to  be  done  was 
to  enable  Prescott,  if  possible,  to  hold  his  position.  But  it  is  in 
evidence  that  he  did  order  away  the  entrenching  tools,  against 
the  judgment  of  Prescott ;  also  that,  when  Warren  came  upon 
the  ground,  he  went  to  Putnam,  as  the  officer  of  direction,  to  ask 
where  he  should  go  to  serve  as  a  volunteer,  and  that  Putnam 
sent  him  to  the  redoubt,  to  the  aid  of  Prescott ;  al^>  that  the 
same  order,  in  regard  to  firing,  occasioned  by  the  shortness  of 
their  ammunition,  was  given  every  where  on  the  field,  as  well 
out  of  the  redoubt  as  in  it,  and  that  Putnam  said  himself  that  he 
gave  the  order. 

It  is  very  easy  to  see,  regarding  this  statement  of  facts,  how 
Prescott  should  often  have  been  spoken  of  as  being  the  chief  in 
command  in  this  battle,  and  even  how  he  should  have  thought 
himself  to  be ;  for  he  had  the  redoubt  in  charge  at  the  begin- 
ning, and  maintained  the  internal  command  of  it.  He  came 
under  a  higher  command,  only  by  silent  rules  of  military  prece- 


30 

dence,  when  other  forces  were  upon  the  ground ;  of  which  he 
would  hardly  take  note  himself,  so  little  was  he  interfered  with. 
Putnam  had  work  enough  without,  in  the  open  field,  and  was 
very  sure  that  Prescott  would  do  his  part  within.  It  is  only  a 
little  remarkable  that  Col.  Prescott,  when  questioned  by  Mr. 
Adams,  at  Philadelphia,  in  regard  to  the  battle,  does  not  even 
name  Gen.  Putnam,  as  having  been  upon  the  ground  at  all ; 
and  apparently  had  not  ascertained,  two  months  after  the  bat- 
tle, whether  the  Connecticut  militia,  sent  out  by  himself,  under 
Knowlton,  to  hold  a  position  against  the  enemy's  right,  had 
obeyed  his  orders  or  had  run  away.  And  it  is  even  the  more 
remarkable,  that  this  body  of  men,  assisted  by  the  brave  Capt. 
Chester  of  Wethersfield,  and  others  whom  Putnam  was  rallying 
to  their  support  during  the  whole  engagement,  had  been  able, 
by  raising  an  extempore  breast  work  of  fence  and  new-mown 
grass,  and  defending  it  with  Spartan  fidelity,  to  save  him  all 
the  while  from  being  flanked  and  cut  to  pieces.  For  upon 
just  this  point  Lord  Howe  was  rolling  his  columns,  with  the 
greatest  emphasis  of  assault,  resting  his  main  hope  of  success 
on  turning  the  position  so  gallantly  defended,  and  gaining,  in 
this  manner,  the  other  summit  of  the  hill,  which,  if  he  had  been 
able  to  do,  Prescott  and  his  regiment  would  have  been,  from 
that  moment,  prisoners  of  war.  In  this  view,  it  is  a  total  mis- 
take to  look  upon  the  defence  of  the  redoubt,  brilliant  as  it  was 
and  prominent  to  the  eye,  as  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The 
place  of  extempore  counsel  and  varying  fortune,  the  hinge  of 
the  day,  was  really,  not  there,  but  in  the  open  field ;  and  espe- 
cially in  moving,  there,  raw  bodies  of  troops,  with  any  such 
effect  as  to  maintain  the  critical  point  of  the  engagement. 

The  tesflmony  of  authorities,  in  respect  to  the  question  of 
the  chief  command,  you  will  understand  is  various  and  contra- 
dictory, as  it  naturally  would  be.  And  yet  the  contradiction 
is  rather  verbal  than  real ;  for  as  Prescott  held  the  redoubt,  in 
the  manner  described,  it  would  be  very  natural,  taking  a  more 
restricted  view  of  the  field,  to  speak  of  him  as  chief  in  com- 
mand ;  though  the  facts  already  recited,  show  most  clearly, 
that  Col.  Sweet  gave  the  true  testimony,  when  he  said  that  Col. 
Prescott  "  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Charlestown,  Gen.  Putnam 
having  the  principal  direction  and  superintendence  of  the  expe- 


31 

dition  concerning  it."  This  too  was  the  testimony  of  Putnam 
himself,  as  Rev.  Josiah  Whitney  testifies,  in  a  note  to  the  fu- 
neral sermon  preached  at  Putnam's  death.  He  says,  "  The 
detachment  was  first  put  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Putnam. 
With  it  he  took  possession  of  the  hill,  and  ordered  the  battle 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end."  Does  any  one  imagine  that 
Gen.  Putnam  was  a  man  to  assert  claims  of  honor  that  belonged 
to  others  ?  Far  more  likely  was  he,  in  the  generosity  of  his 
nature,  to  give  up  such  as  were  properly  his  own. 

The  testimony  of  the  old  Courant,  commenting  on  the  battle, 
shortly  after,  corresponds.  "  In  the  list  of  heroes  it  is  need- 
less to  expatiate  on  the  character  and  bravery  of  Major  Gen. 
Putnam,  whose  capacity  to  form  and  execute  great  designs,  is 
known  through  Europe,  and  whose  undaunted  courage  and 
martial  abilities  have  raised  him  to  an  incredible  height,  in  the 
esteem  and  friendship  of  his  American  brethren  ;  it  is  sufficient 
to  say,  that  he  seems  to  be  inspired  by  God  Almighty  with  a 
military  genius."  Col.  Humphrey,  writing  his  Life  of  Putnam 
at  Mount  Vernon,  under  the  eye  of  Washington,  and  Botta, 
who  derives  his  facts  from  original  sources,  agree  in  represent- 
ing Putnam  as  the  chief  in  command. 

Moreover,  Washington,  when  he  came  upon  the  field  only  a 
few  days  after  the  battle,  with  commissions  from  the  Congress 
appointing  four  Major  Generals,  immediately  delivered  Putnam 
his  commission,  placing  him  second  in  command  to  himself,  and 
reserved  the  three  others  for  the  further  consideration  of  Con- 
gress ;  though  Putnam's  commission,  placing  him  above  two 
very  talented  officers  of  the  state,  superior  in  rank  to  himself, 
had  created  more  complaint  than  either  of  the  others.  Why 
this  remarkable  deference  to  Putnam,  unless  he  has  been  the 
chief  actuating  spirit  in  some  great  success  ?  Why  this  signal 
honor  on  Gen.  Putnam,  when  the  eyes  of  the  army  and  of  the 
public  at  large,  in  the  flush  of  enthusiasm  that  follows  the  late 
battle,  are  centered  on  another — who,  I  believe,  was  never 
afterwards  promoted  ? 

I  have  seen  too,  within  a  very  few  days,  an  original  engra- 
ving of  Gen.  Putnam,  published  in  England  three  months  after 
the  battle,  which  has  at  the  foot  these  words, — "  Major  Gen. 
Putnam,  of  the  Connecticut  forces,  and  Commander  in  Chief  of 


32 

the  engagement  on  Buncker's  Hill,  near  Boston.  Published, 
as  the  Act  directs,  by  C.  Shepherd,  9th  Sept.  1775."  That  he 
had  the  chief  command  here  assigned  him  T  firmly  believe ; 
which  if  he  has  lost,  it  has  been  at  least  three  months  subse- 
quent to  the  battle ;  and  by  means  that  often  discolor  the 
truth  of  history.  The  occupation  of  the  hill,  I  believe,  was 
emphatically  Putnam's  measure  ;  and  one  that  truly  represents 
the  man.  How  can  we  think  otherwise  ?  See  him  in  the 
council,  the  march,  the  beginning  of  the  entrenchment,  the 
fight  itself;  present  every  where,  directing,  cheering  on  the  men, 
rallying  all  the  force  he  can  to  keep  the  difficult  point  of  the 
field ;  last  in  the  retreat,  issuing  grimmed  with  srnoke  and  gun- 
powder, and  seizing,  with  his  force,  another  hill,  there  to  en- 
trench again  and  wait  the  fortune  of  another  day.  Do  this,  I 
say,  and  there  is  but  one  conclusion  for  us  to  receive.  Our  con- 
viction will  be  clear  that,  if  the  monument  on  Bunker  Hill  is  a 
worthy  testimony  for  Massachusetts,  it  testifies  as  much  also 
for  Connecticut ;  and  I  hope  our  Connecticut  eyes  will  be  par- 
doned, if  we  see  it  tapering  off  into  a  top-stone,  that  represents 
the  little  town  of  Pomfret ! 

1  have  dwelt  the  more  at  length  on  this  question,  because  we 
seem  to  have  lost  our  rights  here,  in  a  transaction  that  in  one 
view  stands  at  the  head  of  our  American  history ;  and  yet  more 
because  of  the  good  it  will  do  us  to  reclaim  our  rights.  I  sup- 
pose it  may  well  enough  be  doubted  whether  Putnam  was  the 
ablest  of  all  great  commanders ;  whether,  in  fact,  he  was  the 
general  to  head  what  would  be  called,  in  history,  a  great  mili- 
tary campaign.  He  was  a  man  of  action,  inspiration,  adven- 
ture, and  l^p  made  men  feel  as  he  felt.  "  You  seem  to  have  the 
faculty,  Sir,"  said  Washington,  "of  infusing  your  own  spirit." 
Nothing  was  more  truly  distinctive  of  the  man.  His  value  lay 
in  the  immense  volume  of  impulse  or  martial  enthusiasm  there 
was  in  him,  and  in  the  fact  that  his  time  was  always  now.  And 
the  country  wanted  impulse  to  break  silence,  and  make  its  first 
trial  with  the  British  arms.  He  was  the  man,  above  all  others 
in  the  colonies,  to  give  that  impulse.  A  more  cautious  man, 
probably  would  not  have  advised  to  such  an  attempt ;  possibly 
a  wise  man  would  not ;  but  Putnam,  whose  impetuous  soul  had 
only  a  feeble  connection  with  prudence,  or  with  mere  science, 


33 

was  the  man  to  say,  "  let  us  have  the  fight  first,  and  settle  the 
wisdom  of  it  afterwards."  Possibly  there  is  a  higher  kind  of 
generalship ;  but,  I  know  not  how  it  is,  when  I  see  how  much 
depended  for  our  country,  at  that  time,  on  a  real  beginning  of 
action,  I  am  ready  for  once,  to  accept  impulse  as  the  truest  coun- 
sel, and  the  fire  of  martial  passion  as  being  only  the  inspired 
form  of  prudence. 

I  cannot  give  you  the  details  of  our  military  transactions  in 
the  Revolution.     I  can  only  name  a  few  facts,  that  will  suffice 
to  indicate  the  spirit  and  devotion  of  our  people.     Connecticut 
was  the  second  state  in  the  Union  as  regards  the  amount  of 
military  force  contributed  to  the  common  cause.     She  had 
twenty-five  regiments  of  militia  and  of  these,  it  is  said,  that 
twenty-two  full  regiments  were  in  actual  service,  out  of  the 
state,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  and  that  the  most  busy  and 
pressing  season  of  the  year ;  leaving  the  women  at  home  to 
hoe  their  fields  and  assist  the  boys  and  old  men  in  gathering 
the  harvests.     And  such  a  class  of  material  has  seldom  been 
gathered  into  an  army.     When  Trumbull  sent   on  fourteen 
regiments  to  Washington,  at  New  York,  he  described  them  as 
"  regiments  of  substantial  farmers."     And  General  Root,  as  a 
friend  of  mine  remembers,  declared  that,  in  his  brigade  alone, 
there  came  out  seven  ministers,  as  captains  of  their  own  con- 
gregations.    Among  their  leaders  was  Colonel  Knowlton,  than 
whom  there  was  not  a  more  gallant  officer,  or  one  more  re- 
spected by  the  commander-in-chief  in  the  army  of  the  Revolu- 
tion.    And  when  he  fell,  in  the  disastrous  day  at  Harlaem,  with 
so  many  hundreds  of  the  sons  of  Connecticut,  Washington 
evinced  his  affliction  for  the  loss  of  this  favorite  officer,  as  being; 
the  loss  most  deplorable  of  all  that  befell  the  cause,  on  that 
losing  day.     Among  the  leaders,  too,  were  Parsons,  and  Spen- 
cer, and  Wooster,  and  Wolcott,  and  Ledyard,  and,  last  of  all, 
but  not  least  worthy  to  be  named,  though  to  name  him  should 
never  be  necessary  before  a  Connecticut  audience,  that  mournful 
flower  of  patriotism,  the  young  scholar  of  Coventry ;  he  whom 
no  service  could  daunt  that  Washington  desired,  and  who,  when 
he  was  called  to  die  an  ignominious  death,  nobly  said  to  his  en- 
emies and  executioners,  that  "  his  only  regret  was  that  he  had 
but  one  life  to  give  for  his  country." 
3 


34 

But  I  must  not  omit  to  speak  of  our  venerable  Governor,  the 
patriotic  Trumbull,  under  whom  we  acted  our  part  in  this 
eventful  struggle.  He  was  one  of  those  patient,  true-minded 
men,  that  hold  an  even  hand  of  authority  in  stormy  times,  and 
suffer  nothing  to  fall  out  of  place  either  by  excess  or  defect  of 
service — to  whom  Washington  could  say,  "  I  cannot  sufficiently 
express  my  thanks,  not  only  for  your  constant  and  ready  com- 
pliance with  every  request  of  mine,  but  for  your  prudent  fore- 
cast, in  ordering  matters,  so  that  your  force  has  been  collected 
and  put  in  motion  as  soon  as  it  has  been  demanded."  And  yet 
there  like  to  have  been  a  fatal  breach  between  them,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war.  The  British  ships  in  the  sound  were  threat- 
ening to  land  on  our  coast,  and  Trumbull  requested  that  a  part 
of  the  troops  he  was  raising  might  remain  to  guard  our  own 
soil.  No  request,  apparently,  could  be  more  reasonable. 
Washington  refused  and  ordered  them  all  to  Boston.  Trum- 
bull wrote  him  a  most  pungent  letter ;  adding,  however,  like  a 
true  patriot,  who  sees  the  necessity  of  subordination  to  all 
power  and  effect,  that  he  will  comply  ;  "  for  it  is  plain  that  such 
jealousies  indulged,  however  just,  will  destroy  the  cause." 
Noble  answer !  worthy  to  be  recorded,  as  a  rebuke  to  faction, 
while  the  republic  lasts !  Washington  immediately  explained, 
the  misunderstanding  was  healed,  and  from  that  time  forth  he 
leaned  upon  Trumbull  as  one  of  his  chief  supports ;  confident 
always  of  this,  that  he  could  calculate  on  marching  the  whole 
state  bodily  just  where  he  pleased. 

Neither  let  us  forget,  in  this  connection,  what  appears  to  be 
sufficiently  authenticated,  that  our  Trumbull  is  no  other  than 
the  world-renowned  Brother  Jonathan,  accepted  as  the  soubri- 
quet of  the  United  States  of  America.  Our  Connecticut 
Jonathan  was  to  Washington  what  the  scripture  Jonathan  was 
to  David,  a  true  friend,  a  counsellor  and  stay  of  confidence — 
Washington's  brother.  When  he  wanted  honest  counsel  and 
wise,  he  would  say,  "  let  us  consult  brother  Jonathan ;"  and 
then  afterwards,  partly  from  habit  and  partly  in  playfulness  of 
phrase,  he  would  say  the  same  when  referring  any  matter  to  the 
Congress, — "let  us  consult  Brother  Jonathan."  And  so  it  fell 
out  rightly,  that  as  Washington  was  called  the  Father  of  his 
Country,  so  he  named  the  fine  boy,  the  nation,  after  his  brother 


35 

Jonathan — a  good,  solid,  scripture  name,  which  as  our  sons 
and  daughters  of  the  coming  time  may  speak  it,  any  where 
between  the  two  oceans,  let  them  remember  honest,  old  Con- 
necticut and  the  faithful  and  true  brother  she  gave  to  Wash- 
ington ! 

Considering  the  very  intimate  historic  connection  of  our 
Revolution  with  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  their  active  in- 
stigation to  it  and  their  constant,  powerful  co-operation  in 
it,  the  transition  we  make  in  passing  from  our  military  history 
to  that  of  the  pulpit,  is  by  no  means  violent.  Only  in  speaking 
of  oiir  great  men  here  and  our  theologic  standing  generally,  I 
must  speak  in  the  briefest  manner.  No  mean  distinction  is  it  to 
say  that  the  renowned  theologian,  preacher  and  philosopher, 
Jonathan  Edwards,  was  a  native  of  Connecticut,  and  a  gradu- 
ate of  Yale  College.  And  though  the  more  active  part  of  his 
life  was  spent  in  Massachusetts,  he  retained  his  affinities,  more 
especially,  with  the  churches  and  ministers  of  Connecticut.  I 
need  not  say  that  there  is  no  American  name  of  higher  repute, 
not  only  among  the  divines,  but  also  among  the  metaphysicians 
both  of  this  country  and  of  Europe.  Dr.  Dwight  was  born  in 
Massachusetts  but  educated  here,  and  here  was  the  scene  of 
his  life.  Besides  these,  having  our  Hooker,  and  Davenport, 
and  Bellamy,  and  Smalley,  and  by  a  less  exclusive  property, 
our  Hopkins  and  Emmons,  and  Griffin,  all  sons  of  Connecticut, 
we  have  abundant  reason,  I  think,  to  be  satisfied  with  our  high 
eminence  in  the  department  of  theological  literature  and  pulpit 
effect. 

As  regards  our  poets  I  will  only  detain  you  to  say  that,  while 
I  am  far  from  thinking  that  every  thing  which  beats  time  in 
verse  is  poetry,  it  is  yet  something  that  \ve  have  our  Trumbull, 
and  Hillhouse,  and  Brainard,  and  Percival,  and  Pierpont,  and 
Halleck,  who,  not  to  speak  of  others  closer  to  our  acquaintance, 
have  written  what  can  never  perish,  while  wit  may  enliven 
men's  hearts,  or  music  and  the  sense  of  beauty  remain. 

Including,* next,  in  our  inventory,  mechanical  inventions,  I 
may  say  that  the  great  improvements  in  cotton  machinery, 


36 

by  Gilbert  Brewster,  justify  the  title  sometimes  given  him  of  the 
Arkwright  of  our  country. 

The  cotton  gin  of  Whitney,  is  a  machine  that,  by  itself,  has 
doubled  the  productive  power,  and  so  the  value  of  the  Southern 
half  of  our  country.  If  the  inventor  had  been  paid  for  his 
invention,  and  not  defrauded  of  his  rights  by  a  conspiracy  too 
strong  for  the  laws,  the  interest  of  his  money  would  redeem  all 
the  fugitives  that  cross  the  line  of  free  labor,  as  long  as  there  is 
such  a  line  to  cross. 

The  first  two  printing  presses  patented  in  the  United  States, 
were  from  Hartford. 

Joshua  Fitch  of  Connecticut,  has  the  distinguished  honor  of 
producing  the  first  steam  boat  that  ever  moved  upon  the  waters 
of  the  world.  He  was  unfortunate  in  his  character,  though  a 
man  of  genius  and  high  enthusiasm.  Failing  of  the  means  ne- 
cessary to  complete  his  experiments,  and  universally  derided  by 
the  public,  he  persisted  in  the  confidence  that  steam  was  to  be 
the  great  agent  of  river  navigation  in  the  world,  and  gave  it, 
as  a  last  request,  that  "  his  body  might  be  buried  on  the  banks 
of  the  Ohio,  where  his  rest  would  be  soothed  by  the  blowing  of 
the  steam  and  the  splash  of  the  waters." 

It  is  not  as  generally  known,  I  believe,  that  the  first  steam 
locomotive,  ever  constructed,  was  run  in  the  streets  of  Hartford. 
The  inventor  was  Doctor  Kinsley,  a  man  whose  history  was 
strikingly  similar  to  that  of  Fitch.  The  late  Theodore  Dwight, 
known  to  many  in  this  audience,  lent  him  the  money  with 
which  he  made  his  experiments.  He  succeeded  in  part,  but 
fell  through  into  bankruptcy,  at  the  end,  still  persisting  that 
steam  was  to  be  the  agent  of  the  land  travel  of  the  world. 
His  experiments  were  made  between  the  years  '97  and  '9,  pre- 
vious to  the  introduction  of  rails  as  the  guides  and  supports  of 
motion. 

It  now  remains  to  speak  of  the  rank  we  have  held,  in  the 
matter  of  education,  and  the  power  we  have  exerted  by  that 
means,  in  the  republic.  It  is  remarkable  that  a  very  large 
share  of  the  colleges  in  our  nation  draw  their  lineage,  not  from 
Harvard,  most  distinguished  in  the  fruits  of  elegant  literature, 
but  from  Yale.  This  is  true  of  Dartmouth,  Princeton,  Wil- 


37 

liams,  Middlebury,  Hamilton,  Western  Reserve,  Jacksonville, 
and  Athens  University  in  Georgia.  These  institutions  were 
some  of  them  planned  in  Connecticut,  others  of  them  moved,  or 
in  some  principal  degree  manned,  by  the  graduates  of  Yale 
College  and  sons  of  Connecticut.  Dr.  Johnson  of  Stratford,  a 
graduate  of  Yale  and  afterwards  of  Oxford,  was  the  principal 
originator  and  first  President  also  of  Columbia  College,  New 
York.  I  find  in  the  office  of  our  Secretary  of  State,  a  petition  to 
our  Legislature  from  the  Trustees  of  Princeton  College,  asking 
leave  to  draw  a  lottery  here  for  the  benefit  of  their  institution, 
such  leave  being  denied  them  by  their  own  state.  They  aver 
in  their  petition,  that  "  it  would  be  a  happy  means  of  establish- 
ing and  perpetuating  a  desirable  harmony  between  the  two 
institutions,  Yale  and  Princeton,  which  it  will  be  the  care  of 
your  petitioners  to  promote  and  preserve."  Leave  was 
granted ;  for  it  was  the  manner  of  our  state  to  seize  every  op- 
portunity in  every  place,  for  the  assistance  of  learning.  I  may 
also  add  that  Mr.  Crary,  to  whose  active  exertions  in  behalf  of 
education  the  school  system  and  the  State  University  of  Mich- 
igan are  mainly  due,  is  a  son  of  Connecticut  and  a  graduate  of 
Trinity  College. 

Our  system  of  common  schools,  originated  by  a  public  statute, 
which  is  one  of  the  very  first  statutes  passed  by  the  colonial 
Legislature  and  faithfully  maintained,  down  to  within  the  past 
twenty  years,  was  till  then  acknowledged  to  be  far  in  advance  of 
that  of  any  other  state.  The  founding  of  our  school  fund,  too, 
was  an  act  generally  regarded  and  spoken  of  with  admiration 
every  where,  as  characteristic  of  the  state. 

And  now,  if  you  will  see  what  force  there  is  in  education, 
what  precedence  it  gives  and  preponderance  of  weight,  even  to 
a  small  and  otherwise  insignificant  state,  you  have  only  to  see 
what  Connecticut  has  effected  through  the  medium  of  her 
older  college  and  her  once  comparatively  vigorous  system  of 
common  schools. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  numerous  colleges  dotting  the  map  of 
the  republic,  which  are  seen  to  be  more  or  less  directly  off- 
shoots of  Yale.  If  you  ask  what  parts  of  the  republic  were  set- 
tled principally  by  emigrations  from  Connecticut,  they  are  the 
Eastern  part  of  Long  Island,  the  Northern  half  of  New  Jersey, 


38 

the  Western  sections  of  Massachusetts  and  Vermont,  Middle 
and  Western  New  York,  the  Susquehanna  valley  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  the  Western  Reserve  territory  in  Ohio — just  those 
portions  of  our  country,  more  recently  settled,  as  you  will  per- 
ceive, that  are  most  distinguished  for  industry,  thrift,  intelli- 
gence, good  morals  and  character. 

Again,  if  you  enter  into  the  legislative  bodies  of  other  states 
west  of  us,  and  ask  who  are  the  members,  you  will  find  the 
sons  of  Connecticut  among  them  in  a  large  proportion  of  numbers 
compared  with  those  of  any  other  state.  In  the  convention,  for 
example,  that  revised  the  Constitution  of  New  York  in  1821,  it 
was  found  that,  out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  members, 
thirty-two  were  natives  of  Connecticut,  not  including  those  who 
were  born  of  a  Connecticut  parentage  in  that  state.  Of  the 
sons  of  Massachusetts,  which  according  to  the  ratio  of  popula- 
tion, ought  to  had  about  seventy,  there  were  only  nine.  If  you 
add  to  the  thirty-two  natives  of  Connecticut,  in  that  body,  her 
descendants  born  in  New  York,  and  those  who  came  in 
through  Vermont,  New  Jersey,  and  other  states,  it  is  altogether 
probable  that  they  would  be  found  to  compose  a  majority  of  the 
body ;  presenting  the  very  interesting  fact  that  Connecticut  is 
found  sitting  there,  to  make  a  Constitution  for  the  great  state  of 
New  York.  I  found  on  inquiry,  four  or  five  winters  ago,  that 
the  New  York  Legislature  contained  fifteen  natives  of  Connec- 
ticut, while  of  Massachusetts  there  were  only  nine ;  though, 
according  to  her  ratio  of  numbers,  there  should  have  been 
about  forty.  So  also  in  the  Ohio  Legislature  of  1838-9,  there 
were  found  in  the  lower  house  of  seventy-four  members,  twelve 
from  Connecticut,  two  from  Massachusetts,  two  from  Vermont. 

If  we  repair  to  the  Halls  of  the  American  Congress,  we  shall 
there  discover  what  Connecticut  is  doing  on  a  still  larger  scale 
of  comparison.  The  late  Hon.  James  Hillhouse,  when  he  was 
in  Congress,  ascertained  that  forty-seven  of  the  members,  or 
about  one-fifth  of  the  whole  number  in  both  Houses,  were 
native  born  sons  of  Connecticut.  Mr.  Calhoun  assured  one 
of  our  Representatives,  when  upon  the  floor  of  the  House  with 
him,  that  he  had  seen  the  time,  when  the  natives  of  Connecticut, 
together  with  all  the  graduates  of  Yale  College  there  collected, 
wanted  only  five  of  being  a  majority  of  that  body.  I  took  some 


39 

pains  in  the  winter,  I  think,  of  '43,  to  ascertain  how  the  compo- 
sition of  the  Congress  stood  at  that  time.  There  could  not,  of 
course  be  as  many  native  citizens  of  Connecticut  among  the 
members,  as  in  the  days  of  Mr.  Hillhouse  ;  but  including  native 
citizens  and  descendants  born  out  of  the  state,  I  found  exactly 
his  number,  forty-seven.  Of  the  New  York  representation,  six- 
teen or  two-fifths  were  sons  or  descendants,  in  the  male  line,  of 
Connecticut. 

Saying  nothing  of  descendants  born  out  of  the  state,  there 
were  at  that  time,  eighteen  native  born  sons  of  Connecticut  in 
the  Congress.  According  to  the  Blue  Book,  Massachusetts  had 
seventeen  ;  when  taken  in  the  proportion  of  numbers  she  should 
have  had  forty-two.  New  Hampshire  should  have  had  eighteen 
also,  but  had  only  seven  ;  Vermont  eighteen,  but  had  only  four ; 
Louisiana  eighteen,  but  had  only  two  ;  New  Jersey  twenty-one, 
but  had  only  nine.  I  see  no  way  to  account  for  these  facts, 
especially  when  the  comparison  is  taken  between  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts,  unless  it  be  that,  prior  to  a  time  quite  recent, 
our  school  system  was  farther  advanced  and  the  education  im- 
parted to  our  youth  more  universal  and  more  perfect. 

How  beautiful  is  the  attitude  of  our  little  state,  when  seen 
through  the  medium  of  facts  like  these.  Unable  to  carry  weight 
by  numbers,  she  is  seen  marching  out  her  sons  to  conquer  other 
posts  of  influence  and  represent  her  honor  in  other  fields  of 
action.  Which,  if  she  continues  to  do,  if  she  takes  the  past 
simply  as  a  beginning  and  returns  to  that  beginning  with  a 
fixed  determination  to  make  it  simply  the  germ  of  a  higher  and 
more  perfect  culture,  there  need  scarcely  be  a  limit  to  the 
power  she  may  exert,  as  a  member  of  the  republic.  The  small- 
ness  of  our  territory  is  an  advantage  even,  as  regards  the  high- 
est form  of  social  development  and  the  most  abundant  fruits  of 
genius.  Our  state  under  a  skillful  and  sufficient  agriculture 
with  a  proper  improvement  of  our  water  falls,  is  capable  of  sus- 
taining a  million  of  people,  in  a  condition  of  competence  and 
social  ornament ;  and  that  is  a  number  as  large  as  any  state 
government  can  manage  with  the  highest  effect.  No  part  of 
our  country  between  the  two  oceans  is  susceptible  of  greater 
external  beauty.  What  now  looks  rough  and  forbidding  in  our 
jagged  hill-sides  and  our  raw  beginnings  of  culture,  will  be  soft- 


ened,  in  the  future  landscape,  to  an  ornamental  rock-work, 
skirted  by  fertility ;  pressing  out  in  the  cheeks  of  the  green  dells, 
where  the  farm-houses  are  nested ;  bursting  up  through  the  wav- 
ing slopes  of  the  meadows,  and  walling  the  horizon  about  with 
wooded  hills  of  rock  and  pastured  summits.  We  have  pure 
transparent  waters,  a  clear  bell-toned  atmosphere  and,  with  all, 
a  robust,  healthy  minded  stock  of  people  ;  uncorrupted  by  lux- 
ury, unhumiliated  by  superstition,  sharpened  by  good  necessi- 
ties, industrious  in  their  habits,  simple  in  their  manners  and 
tastes,  rigid  in  their  morals  and  principles;  combining,  in  short, 
all  the  higher  possibilities  of  character  and  genius,  in  a  degree 
that  will  seldom  be  exceeded  in  any  people  of  the  world.  These 
are  the  mines,  the  golden  placers  of  Connecticut.  Turning 
now  to  these  as  our  principal  hope  for  the  future,  let  us  en- 
deavor, with  a  fixed  and  resolute  concentration  of  our  public 
aim,  to  keep  the  creative  school-house  in  action,  and  raise  our 
institutions  of  learning  to  the  highest  pitch  of  excellence. 

I  am  far  from  thinking  that  our  schools  have  ever  been  as 
low,  or  inefficient  as  many  have  supposed  ;  the  facts  I  have 
recited  clearly  show  the  contrary.  And  yet  they  certainly  are 
not  worthy  of  our  high  advantages,  or  the  age  of  improvement 
in  which  we  live.  Therefore  I  rejoice  that  our  lethargy  is  now 
finally  broken,  and  that  we  are  fairly  embarked  in  an  organized 
plan  for  the  raising  of  our  schools  to  a  pitch  of  culture  and  per- 
fection, worthy  of  our  former  precedence. 

I  remember  with  fresh  interest,  to-day,  how  my  talented 
friend,  who  has  most  reason  of  all  to  rejoice  in  the  festivities  of 
this  occasion,  consulted  with  me",  as  many  as  thirteen  years  ago, 
in  regard  to  his  plans  of  life  ;  raising,  in  particular,  the  question 
whether  he  should  give  himself  wholly  and  finally  up  to  the 
cause  of  public  schools.  I  knew  his  motives,  the  growing  dis- 
taste he  had  for  political  life,  in  which  he  was  already  embarked 
with  prospects  of  success,  and  the  desire  he  felt  to  occupy  some 
field  more  immediately  and  simply  beneficent.  He  made  his 
choice ;  and  now,  after  encountering  years  of  untoward  hin- 
drance here,  winning  golden  opinions  meantime  from  every 
other  state  in  the  republic,  and  from  ministers  of  education  in 
almost  every  nation  of  the  old  world,  by  his  thoroughly  prac- 
tical understanding  of  all  that  pertains  to  the  subject ;  after 


41 

raising  also  into  vigorous  action  the  school  system  of  another 
state,  and  setting  it  forward  in  a  tide  of  progress,  he  returns 
to  the  scene  of  his  beginnings  and  permits  us  here  to  con- 
gratulate both  him  and  ourselves,  in  the  prospect  that  his  ori- 
ginal choice  and  purpose  are  finally  to  be  fulfilled.  He  has  our 
confidence ;  we  are  to  have  his  ripe  experience  ;  and  the  work 
now  fairly  begun  is  to  go  on,  I  trust,  by  the  common  consent  of 
us  all,  till  the  schools  of  our  state  are  placed  on  a  footing  of  the 
highest  possible  energy  and  perfection. 

To  exhibit  the  kind  of  expectation  we  are  to  set  before  Con- 
necticut as  a  state,  let  me  give  you  the  picture  of  a  little  obscure 
parish  in  Litchfield  county  ;  and  I  hope  you  will  pardon  me  if  I  do 
it,  as  I  must,  with  a  degree  of  personal  satisfaction  ;  for  it  is  not 
any  very  bad  vice  in  a  son  to  be  satisfied  with  his  parentage. 
This  little  parish  is  made  up  of  the  corners  of  three  towns,  and 
the  ragged  ends  and  corners  of  twice  as  many  mountains  and 
stony  sided  hills.  But  this  rough,  wild  region,  bears  a  race  of 
healthy  minded,  healthy  bodied,  industrious  and  religious  people, 
They  love  to  educate  their  sons  and  God  gives  them  their  re- 
ward. Out  of  this  little,  obscure  nook  among  the  mountains 
have  come  forth  two  presidents  of  colleges,  the  two  that  a  few 
years  ago  presided,  at  the  same  time,  over  the  two  institutions, 
Yale  and  Washington,  or  Trinity.  Besides  these  they  have 
furnished  a  secretary  of  state  for  the  commonwealth,  during  a 
quarter  of  a  century  or  more.  Also  a  member  of  congress. 
Also  a  distinguished  professor.  And  besides  these  a  greater 
number  of  lawyers,  physicians,  preachers  and  teachers,  both 
male  and  female,  than  I  am  now  able  to  enumerate.  Probably 
some  of  you  have  never  so  much  as  heard  the  name  of  this  little 
bye-place  on  the  map  of  Connecticut,  generally  it  is  not  on  the 
maps  at  all,  but  how  many  cities  are  there  of  20,000  inhabit- 
ants in  our  country,  that  have  not  exerted  one-half  the  influ- 
ence on  mankind.  The  power  of  this  little  parish,  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say,  is  felt  in  every  part  of  our  great  nation. 
Recognised,  of  course,  it  is  not ;  but  still  it  is  felt. 

This,  now,  is  the  kind  of  power  in  which  Connecticut  is  to 
have  her  name  and  greatness.  This,  in  small,  is  what  Connec- 
ticut should  be.  She  is  to  find  her  first  and  noblest  interest, 
apart  from  religion,  in  the  full  and  perfect  education  of  her  sons 


42 

and  daughters.  And  so  she  is  to  be  sending  out  her  youth, 
empowered  in  capacity  and  fortified  by  virtue,  to  take  their  posts 
of  honor  and  influence  in  the  other  states  ;  in  her  behalf  to  be 
their  physicians  and  ministers  of  religion,  their  professors  and 
lawyers,  their  wise  senators,  their  great  orators  and  incorrupti- 
ble judges,  bulwarks  of  virtue,  truth  and  order  to  the  republic, 
in  all  coming  time.  And  then,  when  the  vast  area  of  our  coun- 
try between  the  two  oceans  is  filled  with  a  teeming  population, 
when  the  delegates  of  sixty  or  a  hundred  states,  from  the  granite 
shores  of  the  East,  and  the  alluvial  plains  of  the  South,  and  the 
golden  mountains  of  the  West,  are  assembled  in  the  Halls  of 
our  Congress,  and  little  Connecticut  is  there  represented  in  her 
own  behalf,  by  her  one  delegate,  it  will  still  and  always  be 
found  that  she  is  numerously  represented  also  by  her  sons  from 
other  states,  and  her  one  delegate  shall  be  himself  regarded  in 
his  person,  as  the  symbol  of  that  true  Brother  Jonathan,  whose 
name  still  designates  the  great  republic  of  the  world. 

Meantime,  if  any  son  of  Connecticut  will  indulge  in  the  de- 
graded sneer,  by  which  ignorant  and  malicious  custom,  has 
learned  to  insult  her  name,  let  him  be  looked  upon  as  the  man 
who  is  able  to  please  himself  in  defiling  the  ashes  of  his  mother. 
Let  me  testify  my  hearty  joy  too,  in  the  presence  of  this  assem- 
bly, that  a  citizen  of  Connecticut  has  at  last  been  heard  in  the 
Senate  of  this  great  nation,  doing  honor  to  its  noble  history,  by 
a  fit  chastisement  of  the  insult,  which  a  volunteer  malice,  em- 
boldened by  former  impunity,  was  tempted  again  to  offer  to  our 
commonwealth. 

Fellow  citizens,  I  have  endeavored,  this  evening,  to  show  you 
Connecticut,  what  she  has  been,  and  so  what  she  is  and  ought 
to  be.  I  undertook  this  subject,  simply  because  of  the  chilling 
and  depressing  influence  I  have  so  often  experienced  from  the 
want  of  any  sufficient  public  feeling  in  our  state.  I  am  not  a 
historian,  and  I  may  have  fallen  into  some  mistakes,  which  a 
critic  in  American  history  will  detect.  I  knew  but  imperfectly 
when  I  began,  how  great  a  wealth  of  character  and  incident 
our  history  contains.  I  supposed  it  might  be  more  defective 
than  I  could  wish,  as  regards  the  kind  of  material  most  fitted 
to  inspire  a  public  enthusiasm.  But,  as  I  proceeded  patiently 
in  my  questions,  gathering,  stage  by  stage,  this  inventory,  which 


43 

I  have  condensed  even  to  dryness,  I  began  to  be  mortified  by 
the  discovery  that  the  age  of  Connecticut  history  most  defec- 
tive and  least  worthy  of  respect  is  the  present — that  we  are 
most  to  be  honored  in  that  which  we  have  forgot,  and  least  be- 
cause we  have  forgotten  it. 

Such,  I  say,  is  Connecticut!  There  is  no  outburst  of 
splendor  in  her  history,  no  glaring  or  obtrusive  prominence 
to  attract  the  applause  of  the  multitude.  Her  true  merit  and 
position  are  discovered  only  by  search,  she  is  seen  only  through 
the  sacred  veil  of  modesty — great  only,  in  the  silent  energy  of 
worth  and  beneficence.  But  when  she  is  brought  forth  out  of 
her  retirement,  instead  of  the  little,  declining,  undistinguished, 
scarcely  distinguishable  state  of  Connecticut,  you  behold,  rising 
to  view,  a  history  of  practical  greatness  and  true  honor ;  illus- 
trious in  its  beginning ;  serious  and  faithful  in  its  progress ;  dis- 
pensing intelligence,  without  the  rewards  of  fame ;  .heroic  for 
the  right,  instigated  by  no  hope  of  applause ;  independent,  as 
not  knowing  how  to  be  otherwise  ;  adorned  with  names  of  wis- 
dom and  greatness  fit  to  be  revered,  as  long  as  true  excellence 
may  have  a  place  in  the  reverence  of  mankind. 


WHO 


FIRST    GO YE UN OR 


MASSACHUSETTS? 


WHO 


FIRST    GOVERNOR 


MASSACHUSETTS? 


BY    JOSEPH    B.   FELT. 

/        - 


Veritatis  simplex  oratio  est. — SENECA. 

Shall  truth  fail  to  keep  her  word, 
Justice  divine  not  hasten  to  be  just  ? 

MILTON. 


BOSTON: 

PRESS    OF   T.   R.   MARVIN,  42   CONGRESS   STREET. 
1853. 


WHO  WAS  THE  FIRST  GOVERNOR 

OF 

MASSACHUSETTS? 


To  differ  in  opinion,  on  this  or  other  topics  of  inquiry, 
especially  with  those  noted  for  their  talents  and  acquirements, 
is  always  attended  with  unpleasant  associations  and  feelings. 
Still  it  is  the  lot  of  human  imperfection,  and  unavoidable 
in  the  discussion  of  sentiments  and  opinions  honestly  enter- 
tained. 

The  occasion  of  the  question  just  submitted  is  a  note  re- 
cently published  by  the  Hon.  James  Savage,  in  his  second 
edition  of  Winthrop's  Journal.  This  note  is  printed  on  pages 
200  to  203  inclusive,  of  the  second  volume.  It  contains  an 
argument  against  some  remarks  in  the  first  volume  of  the 
Annals  of  Salem,  which  advocate  the  position  that  Endicott 
preceded  Winthrop  as  the  proper  Governor  of  this  Com- 
monwealth. It  advances  and  debates  two  prominent  ideas, 
which,  as  the  writer  thinks,  call  for  examination.  One  is,  that 
the  comparison  between  the  source  of  Carver's  trust  as  chief 
magistrate  of  Plymouth*  Colony,  and  that  of  Endicott's,  is 
incorrect.  Another,  that  because  the  latter  person  held  office 
under  those  of  the  Company  of  Massachusetts,  who  resided  in 
England,  he  was,  therefore,  no  Governor,  in  1629,  in  the  right 
acceptation  of  the  word. 

We  will  endeavor  to  take  a  fair  view  of  these  two  subjects, 
in  the  order  already  presented. 

With  regard  to  the  comparison,  the  malfer  of  it  intended  by 
it  neither  more  nor  less,  than  relative  authority  for  offices, 
designated  by  the  like  names.  His  language  was:  "The  rule, 


which  required  John  Carver  to  be  accounted  Governor  of 
Plymouth,  gives  Mr.  Endicott  similar  precedency  to  Mr. 
Winthrop."  That  we  may  perceive  more  fully  the  force  of 
this  remark,  we  will  glance  at  the  newly  arrived  Pilgrims  on 
the  coast,  which  they  concluded  to  adopt  as  their  refuge  from 
the  trials  of  the  Old  World.  They  had  no  more  authority  for 
their  plantation,  government  and  protection,  than  the  Patent, 
received  from  the  Company  of  North  and  South  Virginia,  by 
John  Wincob  in  his  own  name,  who,  to  their  deep  regret,  was 
unable  to  take  passage  with  them.  The  main  cause  of  their 
having  no  better  warrant  to  occupy  territory  on  our  shores, 
was  the  opposition  of  the  King  and  his  prominent  supporters, 
to  the  encouragement  of  dissenters  in  any  part  of  his  dominions. 
Such  a  document  was  no  more  available  for  their  purposes, 
than  the  subsequent  one,  taken  out  by  John  Pierce,  and  termed 
a  "Deed  Pole,"  from  the  Company  of  New  England,  and  sold 
by  him,  at  an  exorbitant  advance,  to  the  adventurers  for  the 
Colony,  in  1623,  after  he  had  unsuccessfully  striven  to  hold 
the  settlers  here  as  tenants  at  his  will.  It  was  of  less  force  and 
worth  than  the  Patent,  obtained  from  the  same  authorities,  in 
1630,  which  the  rulers  of  Plymouth  Plantation  considered — as 
is  plain  from  their  several  earnest  petitions  to  the  throne,  until 
the  Usurpation — as  not  near  so  valuable  for  securing  their 
privileges,  as  the  Charter  of  our  Commonwealth,  under  the 
directions  of  which  Endicott  was  elected  Governor  in  1629. 

The  intimation,  that  the  contract,  signed  by  Carver  and  his 
associates,  was  sufficient  to  endow  him  with  the  full  honor  and 
responsibilities  of  a  chief  magistrate,  while  the  instrument, 
which  authorized  Endicott  to  sustain  a  similar  relation  to  the 
people  with  him,  could  not  place  him  upon  an  equal  footing 
with  the  former,  may  be  judged  of  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Pilgrims  themselves.  The  anxious  and  protracted  efforts, 
which  they  made  before  their  embarkation  from  Leyden,  to 
obtain  even  their  first  Patent,  materially  defective  as  it  was, 
shows  how  very  reluctant  they  were  to  be  compelled,  when 
arrived  at  their  new  abode  in  America,  to  adopt  the  last  resort 
of  self-constituted  government.  It  is  evident  to  me,  that  they 
would  have  much  preferred,  that  Carver  should  be  placed  over 
them  by  authority  of  their  own  Company,  like  that  which 
promoted  Endicott,  than  by  that  which  they  were  forced  to 


create  through  absolute,  unsought  and  unwelcome  necessity. 
Besides,  Carver  was  no  less  dependent  on  the  will  of  the 
immigrants,  who  placed  him  at  the  head  of  their  affairs,  than 
Endicott  was  on  that  of  his  fellow  members  of  the  Corporation, 
who  voted  that  the  supreme  care  of  their  colony  should  be 
committed  to  him. 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  is  there  any  inaccuracy  in 
the  foregoing  quotation  ?  The  meaning  of  it  is  plainly,  that  if 
Carver's  forty  associates  chose  him  for  their  head,  without  con- 
stitutional power  from  any  charter  from  the  Crown,  or  without 
any  Patent,  in  the  general  name  of  their  Company,  from  the 
Corporation  of  North  and  South  Virginia,  and  he  might,  under 
such  circumstances  be  rightfully  entitled  Governor  in  advance 
of  Bradford, — there  is  full  as  much  propriety,  to  say  the  least, 
that  Endicott,  chosen  by  freemen  or  members  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company,  among  whom  he  held  a  prominent  stand, 
assembled  in  General  Court,  in  London,  and  under  royal  sanc- 
tion, to  be  their  Governor  of  this  Commonwealth, — should  be 
alike  entitled  precedently  to  Winthrop.  It  seems  to  me  in- 
capable of  candid  and  true  contradiction,  that  the  comparison 
was  and  is  pertinent  and  correct  in  its  application,  and  that 
both  cases,  considered  as  to  the  sources  whence  the  power  of 
governing  was  derived,  are  the  same  in  a  corporate  kind,  though 
diverse  in  degree,  and  that  it  is  much  more  in  favor  of 
Endicott  than  of  Carver,  though  I  believe  that  the  latter 
may  justly  hold  his  rank  as  the  first  and  chief  ruler  of  the 
Pilgrims. 

We  will  next  consider  the  position,  that  because  Endicott 
was  appointed  chief  magistrate  for  our  colony,  by  members  of 
the  Company,  convened  in  London,  in  1629,  still  this  consti- 
tuted him  no  Governor  in  the  true  acceptation  of  the  term. 

For  an  intelligent  settlement  of  this  point,  much  depends 
on  the  right  interpretation  of  the  word  denoting  such  an  officer 
of  stale.  A  few  late  writers  have  had  printed  in  their  works 
the  very  expressions  of  the  General  Court  in  England,  which 
inform  us  in  the  most  direct  and  plainest  style,  that  they 
elected  Endicott  as  their  colonial  Governor ;  and  at  the  same 
time  these  authors,  while  denying  that  hfe  fully  sustained  such 
a  relation,  have  utterly  omitted  to  tell  their  readers  what  mean- 
ing they  attach  to  their  negation.  They  cannot  justly  complain 


6 

if  those  who  trace  their  course  suppose  that  the  paramount 
reason  why  they  have  gone  thus  far,  and  then  failed  to  guide 
inquirers  further,  as  they  were  bound  to  do,  is  that  they  could 
not  proceed  with  satisfaction  to  themselves,  and  much  less  to 
those  who  are  convinced  that  their  whole  directions  so  far  as 
away  from  the  plain  landmark  set  up  by  the  phraseology  of  the 
court,  just  referred  to,  is  totally  unauthorized.  The  general 
drift  of  their  remarks  that  Governor,  in  reference  to  Endicott, 
means  something  lower  than  the  standing  of  such  an  officer, 
who  is  allowed  his  full  rank,  and  there  leaving  the  mind  which 
desires  to  ascertain  the  proportion  and  particulars  of  such  de- 
duction in  utter  darkness,  may  lead  to  bewilder,  but  is  far  from 
being  acceptable  to  every  person  who  would  know  the  whole 
truth. 

It  would  afford  much  pleasure  to  the  writer,  could  he  per- 
ceive that  the  position  of  Mr.  Savage,  under  this  head,  was 
entirely  free  from  the  deficiency  just  mentioned.  After  adduc- 
ing several  passages  from  the  charter,  to  show  that  Endicott 
held  his  trust  from  the  Company  at  home,  he  quotes  as  follows, 
from  the  same  document :  "  The  authority,  office  and  power, 
before  given  to  the  former  governor,  deputy,  etc.,  in  whose 
stead  or  place  new  shall  be  so  chosen,  shall,  as  to  him  and 
them,  and  every  of  them,  cease  and  determine."  These  words, 
as  they  evidently  appear  to  me,  have  an  immediate  appli- 
cation to  the  succession  of  the  Company's  officers  in  England, 
and  the  consequent  surrender  of  their  respective  trusts.  I  do 
not  understand  that  they  have  any  direct  bearing  upon  colonial 
officers.  Mr.  Savage  places  the  subsequent  phrase,  directly 
after  the  close  of  them,  "  These  last  words  settle  the  business." 
If  such  a  settlement  mean,  which  is  what  I  comprehend  by  it, 
that  Endicott  was  Governor  here  in  1629,  by  election  of  the 
company  in  London,  and  thus  subordinate  to  them,  it  entirely 
harmonizes  with  my  own  views,  and  I  do  not  recollect  ever 
having  heard  it  denied. 

It  is  true  of  him,  and  of  all  regular  Governors.  None  of 
them  can  or  ever  could  assert,  that  they  do  not  or  did  not 
possess  their  power  subordinately,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
according  to  its  origin.  Were  it  a  fact,  that  on  account  of  such 
subordinacy  no  man  chosen  under  it  ever  was  or  ever  could  be 
a  proper  Governor,  the  issue  of  the  present  instance  would  be 


closed  ;  the  matter  would  be  settled,  and  to  raise  any  query 
about  it,  would  be  indeed  "  an  idle  question."  But  the  truth 
in  the  premises  assumes,  to  my  apprehension,  a  very  different 
aspect. 

The  subordinacy  under  consideration  may  be  corporate,  regal 
or  popular.  Of  course  there  is  no  need  for  us  to  observe,  ex- 
cept to  meet  objections  occasionally  thrown,  as  dust,  into  our 
eyes,  so  that  we  may  not  see  our  way  clearly,  that  the  term 
denoting  such  chief  magistrate,  does  not  signify  a  tutor,  as 
Locke  used  it  in  his  treatise  on  education,  nor  pilot  of  a  ship, 
as  the  Apostle  James  applied  it,  nor  president  of  a  bank,  nor 
superintendent  of  a  hospital,  etc.,  as  not  unfrequently  used  in 
the  parlance  of  England.  The  definition  of  Governor,  as 
exemplified  and  verified  in  the  history  of  our  country,  may 
be  learned  from  its  several  administrations  of  government. 
While  different  sections  of  it  were  owned  and  controlled  by 
companies  in  Europe,  and  afterwards  to  some  extent  in  this 
land,  they  exercised  a  corporate  power  in  the  choice  of  their 
Governors  for  their  respective  colonies.  When  these  came 
under  provincial  rule,  the  Kings  of  England  appointed  such 
officers  at  their  own  pleasure.  When  they  were  made  inde- 
pendent of  the  crown,  the  people  elected  these  magistrates. 
All  these  elections  were  made  on  principles,  as  laid  down  in 
patents,  charters  and  constitutions.  Here  we  have  a  practical 
idea  of  what  Governors  have  been  in  different  periods  of  our 
country  ;  an  explanation  which  shows  that  they  were  delegated 
1.0  rule  over  their  respective  States,  according  to  established 
principles,  by  the  companies,  sovereigns  and  people  who  ap- 
pointed them.  No  well  informed  historian  undertakes  to  assert 
that  the  primitive  Governors  of  New  Netherland,  subsequently 
New  York,  were  not  properly  so  because  they  were  strictly 
subordinate  to  the  States  General,  and  then  to  the  West  India 
Company  in  Holland  ;  or  that  the  like  Governors  or  Presidents 
of  Virginia  were  not  really  and  completely  such"  officers,  because 
they  derived  their  station  from  the  company  who  owned  their 
portion  of  English  America.  We  might  select  no  small  num- 
ber of  other  parallel  instances  to  confirm  our  position.  The 
two  especially  cited  are  well  known ; — to  the  point,  and  suffi- 
cient for  our  purpose. 

But  here  we  ask,  is  it  true  that  Endicott  was  not  fully  Oov- 


8 

ernor  in  1629,  because  so  entitled  and  empowered  by  members 
of  the  Company  in  London  ?  If  so,  we  are  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  disallowing  the  representations  of  our  hitherto 
credible  historians,  who  describe  the  administrations  of  the 
Dutch  and  Virginia  Governors  just  referred  to,  as  rightfully  so 
denominated  ;  we  must  change  our  impressions,  and  while  we 
speak  of  them  as  Governors,  we  must  entertain  a  mental  reser- 
vation which  degrades  them  below  the  level  indicated  by  their 
title,  and  assigns  to  them  an  uncertain  grade  which  no  language 
has  yet,  to  the  knowledge  of  the  writer,  intelligently,  satisfac- 
torily and  truly  defined.  We  are,  therefore,  constrained  to 
grant,  that  the  doctrine  of  subordinacy,  as  here  set  forth,  tends 
to  an  absurdity  ;  proves  far  too  much,  and  consequently  should 
be  rejected  as  unsound,  unsafe,  and  introducing  confusion  into 
the  records  of  our  history.  Of  course,  a  doctrine  of  such  a  cast 
and  character  should  never  be  applied  to  Endicott,  and  thus 
strip  him  of  the  honor  of  being  the  first  Governor  of  the  ter- 
ritory and  population  of  our  Commonwealth. 

There  are  several  particulars  which  bear  on  this  subject  and 
call  for  our  attention  at  the  present  stage. 

To  sink  Endicott  from  the  head  of  the  list  of  our  chief  mag- 
istrates, because  of  subordinacy,  seems  to  imply  that  there  was 
some  essential  difference,  with  reference  to  him  and  Winthrop, 
in  the  mode  of  their  election  arid  in  the  principles  of  their 
administration.  But  was  there  in  reality  ?  No  ;  Endicott  was 
chosen  by  freemen  of  the  Company  in  London.  So  was 
Winthrop ;  and  after  the  latter  came  hither,  he  was  rechosen 
by  freemen  of  the  same  corporation,  who  dwelt  here,  and  was, 
in  every  respect,  as  much  subordinate  to  them,  separately 
viewed  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  as  ever  Endicott  was. 

How  was  it  as  to  principles  of  administration  ?  Endicott, 
for  1629,  had  in  his  hands,  as  the  basis  of  his  action,  the 
charter,  designated  in  its  words,  "  Letters  patent,  or  the  dupli- 
cate or  exemplification  thereof,"  with  the  royal  seal.  It  is  true 
that  Mr.  Savage  remarks  concerning  him,  on  the  30th  page 
of  his  late  first  volume — "He  had  a  commission  from  the 
Company  to  act  as  Governor,  which  was,  of  course  superseded 
by  the  arrival  of  Winthrop  with  the  charter."  Some  readers 
may  construe  this  to  intimate  that  Endicott  did  not  have  the 
charter  for  his  direction.  As  a  caveat  against  such  a  mistake, 


they  will  bear  in  mind  that  he  did  have  it,  not  varying  one  jot 
or  tittle  from  the  one  brought  over  by  his  successor,  as  to  all 
its  requisites  for  the  colonial  legislation,  which  shows,  without 
any  just  contradiction,  that  the  principles  of  government  were 
the  same  for  both  of  them.  Hence,  as  the  cause  instanced  in 
the  outset  of  this  paragraph  has  no  foundation,  its  effect  cannot 
be  equitably  allowed. 

The  statement  made  by  Mr.  Savage,  that  he  never  saw  any 
sufficient  evidence  of  Endicott's  exercising  the  duties  of  Gov- 
ernor in  a  regular  Court  is,  as  it  seems  to  me,  no  conclusive 
argument  that  he  did  thus  come  short  of  his  assigned  service. 
It  would  indeed  have  been  a  phenomenon  in  political  economy, 
had  not  various  cases  come  before  him,  which  in  a  colony  of 
three  years'  continuance,  demanded  the  collective  deliberation, 
decision  and  execution  of  himself  and  associates  in  government. 
The  letters  of  Cradock  to  him  show  that  he  had  no  lack  of 
such  business  to  perform,  and  his  woll  known  reputation  for 
promptness,  activity  and  faithfulness,  are  a  guarantee  that  he 
did  not  suffer  it  to  be  neglected.  The  natural  inference  which 
most  minds  would  make  relative  to  absence  of  positive  proof, 
if  there  were  none,  that  Endicott  and  his  Court  did  not  omit 
legislation  altogether,  would  be,  that  the  records  of  it  were 
lost,  as  those  of  Salem,  then  the  capital,  were  for  several  years, 
relative  to  its  primitive  municipal  transactions. 

That  Endicott  did  hold  a  General  Court  there,  is  indicated, 
to  my  apprehension,  by  Morton  of  Mount  Wollaston,  who  de- 
scribes, in  his  new  English  Canaan,  being  present  in  such  an 
assembly.  The  account  which  this  narrator  gives,  how  a  force 
was  sent  to  seize  him  and  his  effects,  because  he,  in  the  exhi- 
bition of  his  staunch  attachment  to  the  national  church,  refused 
obedience  to  the  charter  authorities,  is  competent  evidence  that 
they  were  no  drones ;  that  they  were  vigilant  watchmen  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  adopted  all  needed  measures  in  their  ses- 
sions for  the  regular  management  of  colonial  affairs. 

Further,  the  serious  occurrence  which  involved  the  banish- 
ment of  the  Brownes,  would  naturally  summon  the  majority 
of  the  rulers  together,  demand  and  receive  their  anxious  con- 
sideration and  final  decision.  Had  they  failed  so  to  do,  there 
is  a  moral  certainty  that  the  correspondence  of  the  London 
2 


10 

Court,  which  ensued,  would  have  charged  them  with  a  gross 
violation  of  their  important  trusts,  which  it  did  not. 

Here  we  meet  the  assertion  of  Mr.  Savage,  previously  inti- 
mated. It  follows  :  "  Nor  is  there  a  scrap  of  any  record  of 
proceedings  ever  had  under  his  authority."  As  a  necessary 
indication  that  there  was  such  a  record,  we  have  the  subsequent 
information.  It  is  found  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Soci- 
ety's Collections,  3  s.,  9  v.,  257  p.  It  is  an  extract  from  a  letter 
of  John  Howes,  in  London,  1633,  bearing  on  the  devices  and 
exertions  already  commenced  at  St.  James'  for  the  overthrow 
of  our  civil  and  religious  institutions.  It  is,  that  about  twenty- 
two  of  Endicott's  laws  were  recently  laid  before  the  Lords. 
These  acts,  as  we  have  reason  to  conclude,  were  selected  by 
foes  to  our  Plantation  from  a  code  which  contained  not  a  few 
more  applicable  to  the  wants  and  relations  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  not  construed  as  opposed  to  the  laws  of  the  mother  coun- 
try. They  are  the  strongest  proof  that  Endicott  and  others, 
of  a  regularly  constituted  legislature,  however  small,  did  come 
up  to  the  requisitions  for  which  they  were  appointed  by  the 
Company  in  London.  They  thus  exemplified  the  power  be- 
stowed upon  them  expressly  by  the  charter,  "  to  correct,  punish, 
govern  and  rule  all  the  king's  subjects"  within  the  compass  of 
their  jurisdiction.  Of  course  the  mistake,  which  represents 
them  in  a  very  different  attitude,  so  that  they  should  be  looked 
on  as  a  body  of  little  or  no  consequence,  and  thus  their  Gov- 
ernor be  degraded  like  themselves,  rests  on  mere  fiction  and 
not  fact.  It  ought  not,  and  wherever  truth  is  allowed  its  legit- 
mate  sway,  will  not  press  him  down  from  his  right  position. 

Should  the  administration  of  Endicott  be  disparaged,  and 
consequently  his  standing,  as  its  chief  magistrate,  meet  with 
similar  fare,  because  the  number  of  his  assistants  was  not  large? 
To  answer  this  question  as  it  should  be,  we  must  not  look  at 
it  singly  and  separately  from  all  others.  It  is  true  that  the 
Browne's  were  sent  home.  But  there  remained  for  Endicott's 
assistants,  Higginson,  Skelton,  Bright,  Graves,  Sharp,  and  most 
probably  the  three  more  whom  they  were  authorized  to  choose, 
if  not  the  two  additional  ones  whom  the  old  planters,  as  Conant 
arid  his  associates,  were  privileged  to  elect.  In  such  an  emer- 
gency, it  is  not  at  all  likely  that  men  like  the  three  first,  just 


11 

named,  would  despond  and  neglect  to  avail  themselves  of  their 
right  to  supply  deficient  members,  strengthen  their  hands,  and 
thus  support  their  cause. 

From  these  points  we  look  to  Plymouth  Colony.  We  hear, 
we  perceive  not  even  the  whisper  of  a  suspicion,  but  that  the 
rule  of  Carver  was  such  as  to  secure  his  appropriate  rank, 
though  he  had  no  assistant;  but  that  Bradford,  his  immediate 
successor  was  alike  entitled,  though  he  had  only  one  assistant 
to  1624,  and  then  only  five,  and  was  himself  an  assistant 
to  Robert  Gorges,  the  Governor-General  of  New  England. 
From  this  view,  we  turn  to  Massachusetts.  Who  doubts  that 
the  administration  of  Winthrop  was  sufficient  to  afford  a  similar 
distinction  to  him,  though  he  had  only  seven  assistants,  besides 
himself  and  deputy,  in  August,  1630,  and  in  the  same  year  an 
order  was  made,  that  a  major  part  of  less  than  nine  assistants 
might,  hold  a  court  and  perform  its  appropriate  business'?  It 
must  be  confessed  that  then,  of  necessity,  was  a  day  of  small 
things.  But  the  diminutiveness  of  the  age  should  not  be  laid 
to  the  account  of  one  so  as  to  strip  him  of  his  merited  honor, 
while  it  is  not  so  much  as  named  of  others,  to  whom,  in  all 
equity,  it  should  be  alike  applied.  Let  not  prejudice  hold  us 
back  from  dealing  with  an  even  hand. 

The  proceedings  and  language  of  the  General  Court,  or  free- 
men of  the  Company,  convened  in  London,  apply  to  the  ques- 
tion before  us. 

In  1629,  about  February,  they  provide  for  transmitting  to 
Endicott  the  charter  having  the  royal  seal,  arid  also  their  own 
seal.  These  he  received  in  due  time.  April  30.  The  Court 
vote  that  the  authorities  of  the  Colony  shall  be  styled  the  "Gov- 
ernor and  Council  of  London's  Plantation  in  the  Massachusetts 
Bay."  They  then  elect  Endicott  to  be  the  said  Governor, 
and  most  of  the  Council,  and  give  instructions  how  the  other 
members  of  it  shall  be  chosen  here.  In  defining  his  powers, 
they  express  themselves  as  follows,  as  entered  on  their  own 
records:  "And  the  said  Governor  at  his  discretion,  or  in  his 
absence  the  deputy,  is  hereby  authorized  to  appoint,  as  oft  as 
there  shall  be  occasion,  and  shall  have  full  power  and  authority, 
and  is  hereby  authorized  from  his  Letters  Patent,  to  make, 
ordain  and  establish  all  manner  of  wholesome  and  reasonable 
orders,  laws;  statutes,  ordinances  and  instructions,  not  contrary 


12 

to  the  laws  of  the  realm  of  England,  for  the  present  government 
of  our  Plantation  and  the  inhabitants  residing  within  the  limits 
of  this  our  Plantation."  They  order  a  transcript  of  this  to  be 
forwarded  to  Endicott.  On  the  same  day  they  empower  him 
and  his  Council  to  choose  a  Secretary,  and  "  such  other  subor- 
dinate officers  to  attend  them  at  their  Courts."  May  7.  They 
agree  on  the  forms  of  oaths  for  the  Governor,  Deputy  and 
Council  of  the  Colony.  That  for  the  first  of  these  officers, 
they  denominate  "  the  oath  of  the  Governor  in  New  England." 
The  duties  it  required  of  him.  it  required  of  all  his  successors, 
as  upon  an  equal  footing  in  respect  to  rank.  29.  As  the  head 
of  the  General  Court  in  England,  Cradock  addresses  a  letter  to 
him  with  tli3  superscription,  "  Captain  Jo  :  Endicott,  Esquire, 
Governor." 

Their  subsequent  records  frequently  gave  him  the  last  title. 
In  a  review  of  all  they  said  and  did,  so  far  as  it  has  come  down 
to  us,  there  is  not  a  shade  of  thought  or  expression,  as  it  seems 
to  me,  which  should  lead  any  mind  to  infer,  but  that  while 
they  were  legislating  about  him,  appointing,  addressing  and 
styling  him  Governor,  they  seriously  and  sincerely  meant  to 
apply  the  title  to  him  in  the  highest  colonial  and  fullest  sense. 
It  would  be  wronging  them  as  conscientious  men,  who  were 
ready  to  make  great  sacrifices  for  the  founding  of  a  religious 
commonwealth  on  our  soil,  to  suspect  or  imply  that  they  pur- 
posed to  use  the  term  in  a  double  or  vague  sense,  or  in  any 
form  or  degree  diverse  from  its  proper  signification. 

To  avoid  any  imputation  of  this  kind,  we  must  allow  that 
the  Company,  from  the  spirit  and  letter  of  their  charter,  records 
and  correspondence,  did  purpose  to  have  a  legitimate  Governor, 
in  the  person  of  Endicott,  on  the  premises  of  their  Plantation, 
even  while  they  exercised  authority  at  home  for  the  regulation 
of  their  trade,  and  the  delegation  of  suitable  legislative  powers 
to  such  an  officer  and  his  associates. 

What  does  the  succession  of  Winthrop  to  Cradock,  imply  ? 
To  arrive  at  a  true  answer  to  this  question,  let  us  deal  with 
facts.  Such  an  official  investment  had  all  its  vital  properties 
laid  down  in  the  Charter,  which  made  the  sphere  of  its  imme- 
diate operation  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Old  England.  There 
it  was  allowed  to  give  legal  direction  to  the  affairs  of  the 
Company.  It  was  endowed  with  no  inward  or  outward  quality 


13 

whereby  it  might  leave  the  place  assigned  for  its  exercise,  and 
take  up  its  abode  in  another  land,  and  still  be  essentially  as  it 
had  been  at  its  commencement.  The  Charter  made  England 
as  requisite  for  the  continuance  of  such  investment,  as  it  did 
that  a  competent  number  of  the  Company's  officers  should 
reside  there  while  it  was  in  existence.  This  investment  had 
nought  to  do  with  leaving  the  mother  country,  crossing  the 
ocean,  landing  on  our  soil,  entering  the  Courts  of  our  rulers 
and  causing  them  to  cease  as  though  they  had  never  been. 
No.  In  the  whole  length  and  breadth  of  the  Charter,  we 
discover  no  liberties  of  this  sort.  That  document  declares  the 
duties  of  the  Company's  officers,  who  were  in  England,  and, 
also,  those  of  their  officers  in  America.  As  to  their  respective 
and  special  services,  it  set  up  a  wall  of  separation  between 
them,  saying,  as  it  were,  to  one  class  of  them,  here  is  your 
allotment,  and  to  the  other,  there  is  yours.  It  holds  forth  not 
even  the  shadow  of  a  license  for  any  of  the  former,  provided 
they  should,  by  change  of  abode,  become  legislatively  connected 
with  the  latter,  to  push  them  aside  and  assume  their  civil  dis- 
tinctions to  themselves,  simply  for  what  they  had  been  in  a 
distant  quarter  of  the  world.  So  it  is  alike  non-committed  in 
the  other  direction. 

With  his  authority  so  bounded,  we  perceive  nothing  in  the 
several  communications  of  Cradock,  that  he  was,  in  the  least 
degree,  dissatisfied  because  he  was  not  styled  the  first  Governor 
of  the  Colony  as  well  as  first  Governor  of  the  Company  in 
England.  He  evidently  would  have  felt  that  an  attempt  to 
foist  on  him  such  a  double  capacity  was  not  only  unjust  to 
Eudicott,  but  also  a  palpable  violation  of  the  charter,  as  well 
as  contrary  to  the  common  usage  of  Corporations  like  the  one 
he  served.  Winthrop,  no  less  susceptible  of  generous  emotions, 
must  have  known  that,  by  a  mere  succession  to  Cradock,  he 
could  be  endowed  with  no  more  honor  or  power  than  so  worthy 
a  predecessor  realized.  He  must  have  perceived  that  when  the 
Arbella  spread  her  sails  to  the  breeze,  and  bore  him  and  his 
friends  towards  America,  that  he  had  ceased  to  be  the  head  of 
the  Company  in  England,  and  was  to  be  only  head  of  such 
of  them  as  should  have  their  domicile  in  the  Colony,  and  thus 
to  be  no  more  nor  less  than  the  successor  of  Endicott,  in  the 
full  sense  of  a  bona  fide,  charter  Governor,  without  any  let  or 


14 

hindrance  of  hypercritical  distinctions,  never  known  in  their 
day  of  peril  and  toil  for  the  Commonwealth. 

What  did  the  Court  in  London  mean,  when,  on  the  29th 
of  August,  1629,  as  proposed  for  deliberation  the  preceding 
month,  they  voted,  "  that  the  Government  and  Patent  should 
be  settled  in  New  England,"  though  not  finally  decided  upon 
till  several  weeks  afterwards,  because  of  serious  constitutional 
objections?  By  a  misconstruction  of  the'  phrase,  here  quoted, 
not  a  few  persons,  as  it  seems  to  me,  have  been  led  to  adopt 
erroneous  conclusions.  They  have  supposed  that  it  involved 
the  necessity  of  /making  some  extraordinary  change  in  the 
colonial  polity,  and  of  conferring  on  its  administrators  here  a 
correspondent  elevation.  But  their  misapprehension  may  be 
corrected  by  a  candid  examination  of  the  mode  in  which  the 
movement  was  executed.  The  practical  operation  of  a  theory 
affords  far  better  instruction  as  to  its  nature,  than  many 
speculations  about  it,  however  imaginative  and  ingenious. 

The  settling  of  the  government  here  was  substantially  the 
omission  to  have  its  agents  chosen  by  the  members  of  the 
Company  in  Old  England,  and  the  like  act  performed  by  those 
of  the  same  corporation  in  New  England.  It  secured  to 
Winthrop  no  greater  power  than  it  had  already  conferred  on 
Endicott.  It  raised  the  former  not  a  single  line  higher  above 
the  colonists,  than  it  had  the  latter.  It  dealt  with  both  on  the 
same  Charter  principles,  and  imparted  to  them  equal  rank  and 
honor. 

Here  it  may  be  well  to  remark,  that  such  an  exchange  of 
elective  locations  involved  the  nullification  of  the  government 
as  it  existed  under  Cradock,  and  as  required  to  be  continued 
by  the  Charter.  The  following  entry  on  our  General  Court 
records,  of  September  3,  1634,  denotes  an  exception  : 

"  It  is  ordered,  that  there  shall  be  letters  written  to  these 
gentlemen,  here  under  mentioned  and  signed  by  the  Court  of 
Assistants,  viz  :  Messrs.  George  Harwood,  John  Revell,  Thomas 
Andrews,  Richard  Andrews,  Francis  Kirby,  Francis  Webb, 
George  Foxcroft,  and  Robert  Reave,  to  entreat  them  to  make 
choice  of  a  man  amongst  themselves  to  be  Treasurer  for  a  year 
for  this  Plantation,  as  also  to  give  them  power  to  receive  an 
account  of  Mr.  Harwood,  now  Treasurer,  as  also  to  give  the 
said  Mr.  Harwood  a  full  discharge."  Here  is  indication,  that 


15 

members  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  who  resided  in 
England,  were  so  far  a  government  of  trade,  remaining  there 
and  connected  with  the  Colony,  as  proposed  in  1629,  as  to 
have  a  Treasurer  for  their  funds,  who  was  about  to  resign  and 
another  to  take  his  place.  How  much  this  may  subtract  from 
the  amount  of  confidence,  entertained  by  some,  that  the  whole 
administration  as  in  being  under  Cradock,  was  moved  over 
with  Winthrop,  and  thereby  swept  away  Endicott's  governor- 
ship, though  a  strange  conclusion  to  my  mind,  they  can  judge 
for  themselves.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  add  here,  that  if  such 
confidence  were  well  founded,  and  on  account  of  being  at  the 
head  of  the  Company  in  London,  any  man  should  be  denom- 
inated the  first  chief  magistrate  of  Massachusetts,  that  man  is 
Matthew  Cradock,  and  no  other. 

At  this  point,  the  query  meets  us,  what  is  signified  by 
settling  the  Patent  in  New  England?  It  is  essentially  the 
same  as  settling-  the  government  here.  This  was  the  creature 
of  that,  and  derived  all  its  civil  and  religious  polity  from  it, 
and  the  very  body  which  it  assumed,  and  the  very  spirit 
through  which  it  existed,  moved  and  acted.  The  establish- 
ment of  the  government  on  our  shores  necessarily  involved  the 
like  action  with  reference  to  the  Charter.  This  action  implies, 
of  course,  what  really  occurred  in  its  premises.  One  of  two 
transcripts  of  that  document,  as  well  known,  was  used  for  the 
control  of  the  Corporation,  while  they  existed  in  England;  but 
it  ceased  to  be  needed  there,  when  they  closed  their  organiza- 
tion and  was  brought  to  our  country.  Another  transcript  of  it 
had,  as  before  noted,  been  previously  sent  to  Endicott  as  the 
guarantee  for  his  colonial  administration,  and  still  remains  in 
the  place  where  its  privileges  were  exercised.  When  he  was 
succeeded  by  Winthrop,  only  one  of  these  transcripts  was 
needed,  and  that  has  been  long  deposited  among  the  State 
archives.  In  such  a  manner  was  the  Patent  or  Charter  settled 
upon  our  soil,  so  as  to  have  no  further  legislative  connection 
with  its  proprietors,  who  dwelt  in  England. 

It  is  well  known,  that  this  transaction,  so  far  as  laying  aside 
the  government  of  the  Corporation  in  that  Kingdom,  has  been 
long  represented  by  some  as  a  fundamental  violation  of  the 
Charter.  Charles  the  I.  and  the  Council  for  New  England,  took 
this  stand.  The  Royal  Council,  under  the  date  of  June  19, 


16 

1679,  write  to  the  Rulers  of  Massachusetts  :  "  Since  the  Charter 
by  its  frame  and  constitution  was  originally  to  be  executed  in 
this  kingdom,  and  not  in  New  England,  otherwise  than  by 
deputation  (as  is  accordingly  practiced  in  all  other  charters  of 
like  nature),  'tis  not  possible  to  establish  that  perfect  settlement 
we  so  much  desire,  until  these  things  are  better  understood." 
Among  the  civilians,  who  have  maintained  the  same  ground, 
was  the  late  Judge,  Joseph  Story.  The  history  of  Hutchinson 
says :  "  It  is  evident  from  the  Charter,  that  the  original  design 
of  it  was  to  constitute  a  corporation  in  England,  like  to  that  of 
the  East  India  and  other  great  companies,  with  powers  to  settle 
plantations  within  the  limits  of  the  territory,  under  such  forms 
of  government  and  magistracy,  as  should  be  fit  and  necessary." 
While  such  objectors  so  held  their  opinion,  they  uttered  no 
doubt  but  that  the  Company  did  elect,  in  London,  a  com- 
petent and  proper  Governor  for  their  Colony,  in  the  person  of 
Endicott. 

We  may  learn  from  the  foregoing  observations,  that  the 
principal  addition  to  the  General  Court  of  the  Plantation,  by 
establishing  the  government  and  patent  here,  was  the  choice  of 
its  chief  magistrate,  instead  of  having  him  appointed  by  similar 
authority  in  England.  But  location,  all  other  things  being 
equal,  makes  no  essential  difference  in  the  grade  of  an  officer. 
Washington  would  have  been  as  much  President  of  our  Re- 
public had  he  been  chosen  in  Boston  as  anywhere  else, 
provided  the  Constitution  allowed  the  practice.  Endicott 
therefore  should,  by  no  mistaken  construction,  suffer  loss  in 
his  rank,  by  being  elected  by  members  of  the  Company  in 
London  instead  of  Massachusetts.  We  feel  assured,  that 
Winthrop  saw  nothing  in  the  settlement  of  the  government 
and  charter  on  our  soil,  which  could  justify  him  in  attempting 
to  exclude  Endicott  from  being  his  constitutional  predecessor 
in  office.  No,  the  enlightened  mind,  the  truthful  conscience, 
and  the  noble  heart  of  Winthrop  would  have  shrunk  from  such 
a  trick  of  political  management. 

How  do  various  historians  represent  the  office  of  Endicott 
prior  to  Winthrop's  arrival  ?  Josselyn,  Johnson  and  Morton 
speak  of  the  former,  as  being  governor  in  1629,  without  the 
least  qualification,  as  if  he  were  in  any  form  or  degree,  of 
any  lower  grade  than  the  latter.  Prince,  in  his  New  England, 


17 

relates  the  proceedings  of  the  Company  in  London  in  confer- 
ring a  name  upon  their  Colony.  He  then  says,  that  they 
"elect  Mr.  Endicott  Governor,"  and  four  times  in  immediate 
succession,  in  the  same  paragraph,  he  applies  the  like  title  to 
him  in  connection  with  the  transactions  of  such  a  body. 
Prince,  who  was  quick  to  detect  small  as  well  as  great  errors, 
and  particular  to  state  them,  evidently  had  no  misgivings  as  to 
the  common  sense  meaning  of  Governor,  assigned  to  Endicott; 
had  no  doubt  but  that  he  might  most  accurately  and  un- 
reservedly apply  to  him  the  title,  without  being  justly  charged 
with  the  least  particle  of  misrepresentation.  Hutchinson,  while 
narrating  the  Company's  course  of  business,  in  ihe  same  year, 
says  :  "  The  names  of  all  the  adventurers  and  the  sums  sub- 
scribed, were  sent  over  to  Mr.  Endicott,  who  was  appointed 
their  Governor  in  the  Plantation."  A  man,  like  Hutchinson, 
would  never  have  made  this  statement,  had  he  the  least 
suspicion  that  it  contained  a  contradiction  ;  that  it  could  be, 
in  some  anomalous  and  strange  manner,  construed  to  mean  the 
Governor  of  a  Colony  or  State,  and,  at  the  same  instant  and 
in  the  same  relation,  mean  no  such  officer,  but  an  uncertain, 
undefined  something,  without  notifying  his  readers  of  such 
a  perplexed  and  distorted  use  of  the  English  tongue.  It 
comes  to  my  recollection,  distinctly,  that  a  highly  distinguished 
literary  gentleman,  who  had  great  confidence  in  Hutchinson's 
talents,  intelligence  and  correctness,  while  contending  that 
Winthrop  was  the  first  Governor  of  our  Commonwealth, 
appealed  to  that  author  with  evident  assurance,  that  he  would 
support  his  position,  but  was  greatly  disappointed  when  he  saw 
that  his  words  contradicted  his  theory.  And  so  I  believe  will 
many  a  man,  who  has  not  already  committed  himself  in  an 
opposite  direction,  and  who  consults  their  statements,  without 
any  previous  bias,  be  conscious,  that  Hutchinson  and  Prince 
meant  to  be  understood,  that  they  had  no  doubts  but  that 
Endicott  was  in  1629  a  true,  constitutional  and  proper  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  as  much  as  Winthrop  or  any  of  his  successors 
ever  were  under  the  colonial  charter,  and  consequently  and 
righteously  accounted  the  first  on  the  list  of  such  magistrates 
in  our  Commonwealth. 

"Fiat  justitia,  ruat  coelum." 


Q 


/6 


NARRATIVE 


DECLARATION 


OF    THE 


AFFAIRS   OF   THE    ENGLISH    PEOPLE    THAT 
FIRST    INHABITED    NEW    ENGLAND. 


BY    PHINEHAS    PRATT. 


Edited,  with  Notes, 

BY    RICHARD    FROTHINGHAM,   JR. 


BOSTON: 

PRESS  OF   T.   R.   MARVIN    &   SON,  42   CONGRESS   STREET. 
1858. 


THIS  Narrative  and  the  accompanying  Papers  were  prepared  for  publication 
in  the  Fourth  Volume  of  the  Fourth  Series  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society's  Collections.  One  hundred  copies  have  been  printed  in  this  form, 
for  private  distribution. 


PR  A  XT' S    NARRATIVE. 

I 


PHINEHAS  PRATT  was  one  of  a  company  of  about  sixty,  who  were  sent  to  Mas- 
sachusetts to  found  a  Colony  by  Thomas  Weston,  a  London  merchant,  who  was 
first  a  friend,  and  then  a  rival,  of  the  Plymouth  Colony.  His  patent  is  not  known 
to  be  extant. 

Pratt,  with  nine  others,  sailed  from  England  in  the  Sparrow,  which  arrived  at 
Damariscove  Islands,  in  May,  1622.  Here  he,  with  others,  left  the  vessel,  in  a 
shallop,  and,  after  touching  at  several  places  on  the  coast,  landed,  in  the  latter 
part  of  May,  at  Plymouth.  About  the  first  of  July,  the  Charity  and  the  Swan, 
two  other  vessels  sent  out  by  Weston,  also  arrived  ;  and  subsequently  a  party 
left  Plymouth  in  the  Swan,  and  commenced  the  settlement  at  Wessaguscus,  in 
the  present  town  of  Weymouth.  Pratt  was  one  of  this  company. 

The  head  man  of  this  Colony  was  Richard  Greene,  a  brother-in-law  of  Wes- 
ton ;  but  he,  dying  on  a  subsequent  visit  to  Plymouth,  was  succeeded  by  John 
Sanders.  These  settlers  began  "  with  little  provision."  "  They  neither  applied 
themselves  to  planting  of  corn,  nor  taking  of  fish,  more  than  for  their  present 
use ;  but  went  about  to  build  castles  in  the  air,  and  making  of  forts,  neglecting 
the  plentiful  time  of  fishing.  When  winter  came,  their  forts  would  not  keep  out 
hunger,  and  they,  having  no  provision  before  hand,  and  wanting  both  powder  and 
shot,  to  kill  deer  and  fowl,  many  were  starved  to  death,  and  the  rest  hardly 
escaped."  * 

The  survivors  of  this  Colony  were  then  really  in  the  power  of  the  natives ; 
and  they  were  indebted  to  the  courage,  adroitness  and  endurance  of  Phinehas 
Pratt,  for  their  deliverance  and  their  lives.  In  the  winter  of  1623,  the  Indians 
matured  a  plan  to  cut  off  the  English,  both  at  Wessaguscus  and  Plymouth,  in  one 
day.  Pratt,  then  about  thirty-two  years  of  age,  had  seen  some  of  his  compan- 
ions die  of  starvation  ;  and  learning,  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  of  this 
scheme  of  massacre  for  the  rest,  resolved  to  send  intelligence  of  it  to  Plymouth. 
When  all  refused  to  go,  he  determined  to  go  himself;  and  by  deceiving  the  sav- 
ages, effected  his  escape.  Though  closely  pursued,  and  suffering  much  in  body 
and  mind,  he  made  good  his  way  to  Plymouth,  which  he  reached  on  the  24th  of 
March,  1623.  His  story  corresponded  with  intelligence  already  received  from 
Massasoit ; 2  and  hence  Standish  and  his  party,  on  the  next  day,  started  on  the 
expedition  which  resulted  in  inflicting  on  Pecksuot  and  Wittewamut  the  doom 
which  they  had  in  store  for  the  English,  and  in  saving  the  remnant  of  the  Col- 
ony. 

Pratt  was  too  much  exhausted  to  accompany  Standish.  On  regaining  strength, 
he  went  to  Piscataqua,  and  was  in  skirmishes  with  the  natives  at  Agawam  and 
at  Dorchester.  Hence  he  sums  up  his  early  perils  by  saying :  "  Three  times  we 
fought  with  them  ;  thirty  miles  I  was  pursued  for  my  life,  in  a  time  of  frost  and 
snow,  as  a  deer  chased  by  wolves." 

1  Levett,  "Voyage  into  New-England,  begun  in  1623,  and  ended  i»  1624,"  printed  in 
London  in  1628.  Chapt.  5.  2  Deane's  Bradford,  p.  131. 


4  Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative. 

Pratt  settled  at  Plymouth,  and  is  termed  "  a  joiner."  In  1630,  he  married  a 
daughter  of  Cuthbert  Cuthberston,1  or  Godbert  Godberston;2  and  his  name,  as 
inhabitant,  occurs  in  the  records  as  a  freeman,  rate  payer,  and  grantee  of  lands, 
for  many  years.  He  is  classed  with  the  "  Old  Corners,"  and  "  Purchasers." 
Among  the  references  to  Pratt,  is  the  following  singular  memorandum : — 

"The  fift  of  Novembr.  1644.  Memorand:  that  Thomas  Bunting,  dwelling 
W;  Phineas  Pratt,  hath,  w'h  and  by  the  consent  of  the  said  Phineas,  put  himself 
as  a  servant  to  d^ell  w'.h  John  Cooke,  Junir  from  the  fifteenth  day  of  this  instant 
Novemb1;  for  and  during  the  terme  of  eight  yeares  now  next  ensuing,  and  fully 
to  be  compleate  and  ended,  the  said  John  Cooke  fynding  vnto  his  said  servant 
meate,  drink,  and  apparell  during  the  said  terme,  and  in  thend  thereof  double  to 
apparell  him  throughout,  and  to  pay  him  twelue  bushells  of  Indian  corne,  the 
said  John  Cooke  haueing  payd  the  said  Phineas  for  him  one  melch  cowe,  valued 
at  Vu  ,  and  fourty  shillings  in  money,  and  is  to  lead  the  said  Phineas  two  loads 
of  hey  yearely  during  the  terme  of  seauen  yeares  now  next  ensuinge."  3 

The  same  records  have  the  following  grant,  under  the  date  of  June  5,  1658 : — 
"  Liberty  was  granted  by  the  Court,  unto  Phinehas  Pratt,  or  any  for  him,  to  look 
out  a  parcel  or  tract  of  land  to  accommodate  him  and  his  posterity  withal,  together 
with  other  freemen  or  alone,  as  he  shall  think  meet,  and  to  make  report  of  the 
same  unto  the  Court,  that  so  a  considerable  proportion  thereof  may  be  confirmed 
unto  him."  4 

Before  this  date,  Pratt  left  Plymouth.  In  1648,  he  purchased  the  place  in 
Charlestown,  on  which  probably  he  subsequently  lived  and  died.  In  1658,  his 
name  appears,  with  other  inhabitants,  in  a  division  of  lands.  Four  years  later, 
in  1662,  he  presented  to  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  what  he  terms 
"  An  History,"  called  "  A  Declaration  of  the  Affairs  of  the  English  People  that 
first  inhabited  New  England."  Under  the  date  of  May  7,  is  the  following  record : 
"  In  answer  to  the  petition  of  Phinehas  Pratt,  of  Charlestown,  who  presented  this 
Court  with  a  narrative  of  the  straits  and  hardships  that  the  first  planters  of  this 
Colony  underwent,  in  their  endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plymouth  and  since, 
whereof  he  was  one,  the  Court  judge  it  meet  to  grant  him  three  hundred  acres  of 
land,  where  it  is  to  be  had,  not  hindering  a  plantation."  This  land  was  laid  out 
"  in  the  wilderness,  on  the  East  of  Merrimack  River,  near  the  upper  end  of 
Nacooke  Brook." 

In  October,  1668,  Pratt,  then  nearly  eighty,  presented  another  petition  to  the 
General  Court,  in  which  he  states  that  he  "  was  the  remainder  of  the  forlorn 
hope  of  sixty  men ;"  that  he  was  now  lame ;  and  he  requested  aid  "  that  might  be 
for  his  subsistence  the  remaining  time  of  his  life."  The  Court  refused  to  grant 
his  petition.  The  Charlestown  records,  a  few  months  later,  show  the  following 
charitable  record,  January  25,  1668/9 :  "  Ordered  constable  Jno.  Hayman  to 
supply  Phineas  Pratt  with  so  much  as  his  present  low  condition  may  require." 

At  this  time  Pratt  was  regarded  with  uncommon  interest.  Winslow's  Relation, 
which  had  been  in  print  over  forty  years,  referred  to  him  as  one  of  Weston's 
men,  who  came  to  Plymouth  "  with  his  pack  on  his  back,"  and  "  made  a  pitiful 
narration  of  their  lamentable  and  weak  estate  and  of  the  Indian  carriages,"  5  ; 
Morton's  Memorial,  printed  in  1669,  stated  that  Pratt  had  "  penned  the  particu- 
lars of  his  perilous  journey  and  some  other  things  relating  to  this  tragedy  "  of 
Weston's  Colony ; 6  Hubbard,  in  1677,  states  his  service,  and  also  that  he  was 
then  living ; 7  and  a  comparison  of  the  "  Declaration  "  now  first  printed,  with 
Increase  Mather's  "  Relation  of  the  Troubles,"  &c.,  printed  in  1677,  shows,  that 
the  "  Old  Planter  yet  living  in  this  country,"  who  is  referred  to  and  whose  rela- 
tion is  there  given  at  length,  was  Phinehas  Pratt.8 

1  Collections,  2d  Series,  vii.,  p  122.         2  Plymouth  Records,  Vol.  i.,  p.  159. 

3  Plymouth  Records,  Vol.  ii.,  p.  78.        4  Ib.,  Vol.  iii.,  p.  145. 

6  Young's  WinsHfc,  p.  332.    6  Morton  Memorial,  p.  90.    7  Hubbard.  History,  p.  78. 

8  Mather's  Relation,  p.  17. 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  5 

Pratt's  will  is  dated  January  8,  1677,  in  which  he  is  styled  "  Joiner."  He 
bequeaths  a  small  estate,  invoiced  at  £40.  16s.  Od.,  to  his  wife  Mary,  and  son 
Joseph.  He  died  in  Charlestown,  April  19,  1680,  where  he  was  buried.  A 
pious  hand  raised  an  ornamental  tomb-stone  over  his  remains,  which  is  still  in 
good  preservation,  in  the  Old  Burying  Ground.  On  the  right  hand  of  a  common 
centre  design,  is  the  figure  of  a  spade  and  pickaxe  crossed,  and  on  the  left  hand 
a  coffin  and  cross  bones.  The  following  is  the  inscription,  which  I  copied, 
March  26,  1858. 


F  U  G  I  T     H  O  R  A . 

HERE    LIES    Y    BODY     OF    PHINEHAS 
PRAM     AGd    A  BOOT     90     Yr8     DEC"     APRIL 
19          1  6  80 

ON         OF        Y         FIRS2T  ENGLISH 

INHABITANTS       OF     Y     MASSACHUSE2T3        COLONY. 

The  manuscript  of  Pratt's  "  Declaration,"  presented  in  1662  to  the  Massachu- 
setts General  Court,  and  now  printed  for  the  first  time,  consists  of  three  folio 
sheets,  sewn  together,  one  half  of  which  appear  to  have  been  torn  off  after  they 
were  thus  arranged.  Hence  a  portion  is  lost.  The  MS.  is  torn  at  the  edges, 
and  portions  of  the  writing  are  obliterated.  It  is  printed  as  it  is  written,  except 
as  to  punctuation,  and  where  this  required  capital  letters.  Pratt's  Petition  of 
1668,  is  also  printed  for  the  first  time.  To  these  papers  is  added  Increase  Ma- 
ther's version  of  Pratt's  "  Relation,"  printed  in  1677.  R.  F.,  JR. 


A    DECLIRATION    OF    THE    AFAIRES     OF    THE    EINGLISH 
PEOPLE  [THAT  FIRST]  INHABITED  NEW  EINGLAND. 

In  the  Time  of  Sperituall  darkness,  when  ye  State  Ecle- 
isasti  ....  Roome  Ruled  &  ouer  Ruled  most  of  the  Na- 
tions of  Vrope,  it  plea to  giue  wisdom  to  many, 

kings  and  people,  in  breaking  yl  sperituall  yo  .  .  .  .  ;  yet, 
not  wth  standing,  there  Arose  great  strif  Among  such  peo- 
ple y*  ar  knowne  by  the  name  of  prodastonce,  in  many 
Cases  Concerning  ye  worship  of  God ;  but  ye  greatest  & 
strongest  number  of  men  Comonly  pvaled  Against  the 
smaller  and  lesor  Number.  At  this  time  the  honored 
States  of  Holland  gave  moore  Liberty  in  Casses  of  Re- 
lidgon  yn  could  be  injoyed  in  some  other  places.  Upon 
wich  diuers  good  Cristians  Remoued  the  ....  dwellings 
into  ye  Low  Cuntrys. 


6  Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative. 

Yn  on  Company  y1  Dwelt  in  the  Sitty  of  Laydon,  being 
not  well  Able  outwardly  to  subsist,  tooke  Counsell  & 
Agred  to  Remoue  into  Amerika,  into  some  port  North- 
ward of  Verginia.  Ye  Duch  people  ofored  ym  diuers  Con- 
dishons  to  suply  ym  wth  things  Nesasary  if  thay  would  Line 
vndor  ye  Gouerment  of  thayr  State,  but  thay  Refused  it. 
This  thay  did  y*  all  men  might  know  the  Intier  Lone  thay 
bore  to  thayr  King  &  Cuntry ;  for  in  ym  ther  was  never 
found  any  lack  of  Lifill  obedience.  Thay  sent  to  thayr 
fFreinds  in  Eingland  to  Let  them.  Vnderstand  what  thay 

intended  to  doe.  Then  diuers  ffr Disbursed  some 

monys  for  ye  fferthering  of  soe  good  a  work. 

It  is  if to  be  understod  y*,  in  the  yeare  1618, 

ther  apeared  a  biasing  star  ouer  Garmany  y1  maed  ye  wiss 
men  of  Vrope  astonished  thayr 

Spedily  after,  near  about  y'  time,  these  people  begun  to 
propoes  Remouall.  Thay  Agred  y*  thayr  strongest  & 

Ablest  men  should  goe to  provid  for  thayr  WifFs  & 

children.  Yn  Coming  into  Eingland,  they  sett  fforward  in 
to  ships,  but  thayr  Leser  ship  sprung  a  leak  &  reterned  .... 
Eingland;  ye  biger  ship  Ariued  att  Cape  Codd,  1620  it 
being  winter,  then  Caled  new  Eingland  but  formerly  Caled 
Canidy.  Th^y  sent  forth  thayr  boat  vpon  discouery.  Thayr 
boat  being  Reterned  to  theyr  Shipp,  thay  Remoued  into 
ye  bay  of  Plimoth  &  begun  theyr  planta  ...  by  the  Riuer 
of  Petuxet.  Thayr  Shipp  being  reterned  &  safly  Arived 
in  Eingland,  those  Gentlemen  &  Marchents,  y*  had  vnder- 
taken  to  suply  ym  wth  things  nesasary,  vnderstanding  y* 
many  of  ym  weare  sick  &  some  ded,  maed  hast  to  send  a 
ship  wth  many  things  nesasery ;  but  som  Indescret  men, 
hoping  to  incoridg  thayr  freinds  to  Come  to  ym,  writ  Letters 
Conserning  ye  great  plenty  of  ffish  fowle  and  deare,  not 
considering  y*  ye  wild  Salvages  weare  many  times  hungrye, 
y1  have  a  better  scill  to  catch  such  things  then  Einglish 
men  haue.  The  Adventvrers,  willing  to  saf  thayr  Monys, 
sent  them  weekly  provided  of  vicktualls,  as  Many  moor 
after  ym  did  the  lyke  ;  &  y4  was  ye  great  Cause  of  famine. 

At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Thomas  Westorne,  a  Merchent 
of  good  credit  in  London,  yl  was  yn  thayr  treshurer,  y*  had 
disberst  much  of  his  Mony  for  ye  good  of  New  Eingland, 
sent  forth  a  ship  for  ye  settleing  a  plantation  in  the  Massa- 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  7 

chusetts  Bay,  but  wanting  a  pilote  we  Ariued  att  Damoralls 
Cove.  The  men  y*  belong  to  ye  ship,  ther  fishing,  had 
newly  set  up  a  may  pole  &  weare  very  mery.  We  maed 
hast  to  prepare  a  boat  fit  for  costing.  Then  said  Mr. 
Eodgers,  Master  of  our  ship,  "heare  ar  Many  ships  & 
at  Munhigin,  but  no  man  y*  does  vndertake  to  be  yor 
pilate ;  for  they  say  y*  an  Indian  Caled  Rumhigin  vnder- 
took  to  pilot  a  boat  to  Plimoth,  but  thay  all  lost  thar 
Lives."  Then  said  Mr.  Gibbs,  Mastrs  Mate  of  our  ship, 
"  I  will  venter  my  Liue  wth  ym."  At  this  Time  of  our 
discouery,  we  first  Ariued  att  Smithe's  Hands,  first  soe 
Caled  by  Capt.  Smith,  att  the  Time  of  his  discouery  of 
New  Eingland,  ....  fterwards  Caled  Hands  of  Sholes  ; 
ffrom  thence  to  Cape  Ann  ....  so  Caled  by  Capt  Mason  ; 
from  thence  to  ye  Mathechusits  Bay.1  Ther  we  continued 
4  or  5  days. 

Then  we  pseaued,  yl  on  the  south  part  of  the  Bay, 
weare  fewest  of  the  natives  of  the  Cuntry  Dwelling  ther. 
We  thought  best  to  begine  our  plantation,  but  fearing 
A  great  Company  of  Salvages,  we  being  but  10  men, 
thought  it  best  to  see  if  our  friends  weare  Living  at 
Plimoth.  Then  sayling  Along  the  Cost,  not  knowing 
the  harber,  thay  shot  of  a  peece  of  Ardinance,  and  at 
our  coming  Ashore,  thay  entertaned  vs  wth  3  vally  of 
shotts.  They1  seckond  ship  was  Reterned  for  Eingland 
before  we  Came  to  ym.  We  asked  ym  wheare  the  Rest  of 
our  freinds  weare  y*  came  in  the  first  ship.  Thay  said 
y*  God  had  taken  ym  Away  by  deth,  &  yl  before  thayr 
seckond  ship  came,  thay  weare  soe  destresed  with  sick- 
nes  y*  thay,  feareing  the  salvages  should  know  it,  had 
sett  up  thayr  sick  men  with  thayr  muscits  vpon  thayr  Rests 
&  thayr  backs  Leaning  Aganst  trees.  At  this  Time,  on 
or  two  of  them  went  wth  vs  in  our  vesill  to  ye  place  of 
ffishing  to  bye  vicktualls.  8  or  9  weeks  after  this,  to  of 
our  ships2  Arived  att  Plimoth — the  leser  of  our  3  ships 

1  They  arrived  in  May,  1622.     Winsloufs  Relation  in  Young,  p.  293,  gives  the 
name  of  the  ship — "a  fishing  ship  called  the  Sparrow;"  Bradford  supplies  the 
date  "about  the  latter  end  of  May."     Deane's  Bradford,  p.  114. 

2  These  ships  were  the  Charity,  of  one  hundred  tons,  and  the  Swan,  of  thirty 
tons.     "  In  the  end  of  June,  or  beginning  of  July,  came  into  our  harbor  two  ships 
of  master  Weston's  aforesaid  ;  the  one  called  the  Charity,  the  other  the  Swan  ; 
having  in  them  some  fifty  or  sixty  men,  sent  over  at  his  own  charge  to  plant  for 


8  Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative. 

continued  in  the  Cuntry  with  vs.  Then  we  maed  hast  to 
settle  our  plantation  in  the  Masachusets  bay — our  Number 
being  neare  sixty  men.  Att  the  same  time  ther  was  a 
great  plag  Among  the  salvagis,  &,  as  ym  selfs  told  vs, 
half  thayr  people  died  thereof.  The  Natius  caled  the 
place  of  our  plantation  Wesaguscasit.  Neare  vnto  it  is  a 
towne  of  Later  Time  Caled  Weymoth. 

The  Salvagis  seemed  to  be  good  freinds  with  vs  while 
they  feared  vs,  but  when  they  see  famin  prevail,  they 
begun  to  insult,  as  apeareth  by  the  seaquell ;  for  on  of 
thayr  Pennesses  or  Chef  men,  Caled  Pexsouth,  implyed 
himself  to  Learne  to  speek  Einglish,  obsarving  all  things 
for  his  blody  ends.  He  told  me  he  Loued  Einglish  men 
very  well,  but  he  Loued  me  best  of  all.  Then  he  said, 
"  you  say  ffrench  men  doe  not  loue  you,  but  I  will  tell 
you  what  wee  have  don  to  ym.  Ther  was  a  ship  broken 
by  a  storm.  Thay  saued  most  of  they1  goods  &  hid  it  in 
the  Ground.  We  maed  ym  tell  us  whear  it  was.  Yn  we 
maed  ym  our  sarvants.  Thay  weept  much.  When  we 
parted  them,  we  gaue  ym  such  meat  as  our  dogs  eate. 
On  of  ym  had  a  Booke  he  would  ofen  Reed  in.  We 
Asked  him  "  what  his  Booke  said."  He  answered,  "  It 
saith,  ther  will  a  people,  lick  French  men,  com  into  this 
Cuntry  and  driue  you  all  a  way,  &  now  we  thincke  you 
ar  thay.  We  took  Away  thayr  Clothes.  Thay  liued  but 
a  little  while.  On  of  them  Liued  Longer  than  the  Rest, 
for  he  had  a  good  master  &  gaue  him  a  wiff.  He  is 
now  ded,  but  hath  a  sonn  Alive.  An  other  Ship  Came 
into  the  bay  wth  much  goods  to  Trucke,  yn  I  said  to 
the  Sacham,  I  will  tell  you  how  you  shall  haue  all  for 
nothing.  Bring  all  our  Canows  &  all  our  Beauer  &  a 
great  many  men,  but  no  bow  nor  Arow  Clubs,  nor  Hachits, 
but  knives  vnder  ye  scins  y*  About  our  Lines.  Throw  vp 
much  Beauer  vpon  thayr  Deck ;  sell  it  very  Cheep  & 
when  I  giue  the  word,  thrust  yor  knives  in  the  French 
mens  Bellys.  Thus  we  killed  ym  all.  But  Mounsear  Ffinch, 
Master  of  thayr  ship,  being  wounded,  Leped  into  ye  hold. 

him."  The  Charity  sailed  with  passengers  for  Virginia.  Winsloufs  Relation  in 
Young,  p.  296.  Bradford  describes  the  generous  manner  with  which  Weston's 
men  were  treated  at  Plymouth.  Deane's  Bradford,  p.  124,  where,  and  in  the 
notes,  will  be  found  ample  materials  relating  to  Weston's  Plantation. 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  9 

We  bidd  him  com  vp,  but  he  would  not.  Then  we  cutt 
thayr  Cable  &  ye  ship  went  Ashore  &  lay  vpon  her  sid 
&  slept  ther.  Ffinch  Came  vp  &  we  killed  him.  Then 
our  Sachem  devided  thayr  goods  &  ffiered  theyr  Ship  &  it 
maed  a  very  great  fier." l  Som  of  our  Company  Asked  ym 
"  how  long  it  was  Agow  sine  thay  first  see  ships  1  Thay 
said  thay  could  not  tell,  but  thay  had  heard  men  say  ye 
first  ship  yfc  thay  see,  seemed  to  be  a  noting  Hand,  as  thay 
suposed  broken  of  from  the  maine  Land,  wrapt  together 
wth  the  roats  of  Trees,  with  some  trees  upon  it.  Thay 
went  to  it  with  thayr  Canows,  but  seeing  men  £  hearing 
guns,  thay  maed  hast  to  be  gon. 

But  after  this,  when  thay  saw  ffamin  prevale,  Peck- 
worth  said,  "  why  doe  yor  men  &  yor  dogs  dyl"  I  said, 
"  I  had  Corn  for  a  Time  of  need.  Yn  I  filed  a  Chest, 

but  not  with  Corne  &  spred  Corn  on him  Com 

opened   the  Couer   and   when  I  was  shure  he  see  it,   I 

put  dow as  if  I  would   not   haue  him  see  it." 

Then   he   said    "  No  Indian  Soe You   haue 

much  Corne  &  Einglish  men  dye  for  want."  Then  thay 
h  .  .  .  .  intent  to  make  warr  thay  Remoued  some  of  thayr 
howses  to  th  ....  a  great  swamp  neare  to  the  pale  of  our 
plantation.  After  this  yer.  ...  a  morning  I  see  a  man 
goeing  into  on  of  thayr  howses,  weary  with  trafelling  & 
Galded  on  his  feet.  Yn  I  said  to  Mr.  Salsbery,  our  Chirur- 
geon,  shurly  thayr  Sacham  hath  implyed  him  for  som 
intent  to  make  war  vpon  vs.  Then  I  took  a  Bagg  wth 
gunpowder  and  putt  it  in  my  pockitt,  wth  the  Top  of  the 
bagg  hanging  out,  &  went  to  ye  house  whear  the  man  was 
laid  vpon  a  matt.  The  woman  of  the  howse  took  hold  of 
the  bagg,  saying,  what  is  this  soe  bigg "?  I  said  it  is  good 
for  Salvagis  to  eat,  and  strock  hur  on  the  Arm  as  hard  as 
I  could.  Then  she  said,  Matchet  powder  Einglish  men, 
much  Matchit.  By  and  by  Abordicis  bring  Mouch  Mans, 
Mouch  Sannups,  &  kill  you  &  all  Einglish  men  att  Wessa- 
guscus  &  Patuckset.  The  man  y*  lay  upon  ye  mats,  seeing 
this,  was  Angry  and  in  a  great  Rage,  and  the  woman 
seemed  to  be  sore  afraid.  Yn  I  went  out  of  the  howse, 

1  "  New  English  Canaan,"  by  Thomas  Morton,  printed  in  1632,  states  that  this 
ship  was  "  then  riding  at  anchor  by  an  island  then  called  Peddock's  Island  ;"  and 
that  there  were  five  Frenchmen.  Chap.  iii. 

2 


10  Phinehas  Pratt' s  Narrative. 

and  said  to  a  young  man  y1  could  best  vnderstand  thayr 
Langwig,  goe  Aske  ye  woman,  but  not  in  ye  man's  hearing, 
why  the  man  was  Agry,  &  shee  Afraid  ?  Our  interpreter, 
Coming  to  me,  said,  "  these  are  the  words  of  the  woman — 
ye  man  will  .  .  .  Abordicis  what  I  said  &  he  &  all  Indians 

will  be  angry  with  me This  Peexworth  said,  "  I  love 

you."  I  said  "  I  loue  you."  I  said  "  I  loue  you  as  well 
as  you  Loue  me."  Then  he  said,  in  broken  Einglish, 
"  me  heare  you  can  make  the  Lickness  of  men  &  of 
women,  dogs  &  dears,  in  wood  &  stone.  Can  you  make 

"     I  said,  "  I  can  see  a  kniue  in  yor  hand,  wth  an 

111  favored  ffase  upon  the  haft."  Then  he  gave  it  into  my 
hand  to  see  his  workmanship,  &  said,  "  this  kniue  cannot 
see,  it  Can  not  heare,  it  Can  not  spek,  but  by  &  by  it  can 
eat.  I  haue  Another  knive  at  home  wth  a  fase  upon  the 
haft  as  lick  a  man  as  this  is  lick  a  woman.  Yl  knive 
Can  not  see,  it  Can  not  heare,  it  Can  not  speke,  but  it 
can  eat.  It  hath  killed  much,  ffrench  men,  &  by  &  by 
this  knive  &  y*  knive  shall  mary1  &  you  shall  be  thear.  .  .  . 
knive  at  home  he  had  kep  for  a  moniment,  from  the  tim 
they  had  killed  Mounsear  Ffinch  ;  "  but  as  the  word  went 
out  of  his  mouth,  I  had  a  good  will  to  thrust  it  in  his 
belly.  He  said,  "  I  see  you  ar  much  angry."  I  said, 
"  Guns  ar  Longer  then  knius." 

Som  tim  after  this  thar  Sacham  Cam  sudingly  upon  us 
wth  a  great  number  of  Armed  men ;  but  thayr  spys  seeing 
us  in  a  Redines,  he  &  some  of  his  Chif  men,  terned  into 
on  of  thar  howses  a  quartor  of  An  our.  Then  wee  met 
them  wthout  the  pale  of  our  plantation  &  brought  them 
in.  Then  said  I  to  a  yong  man  y1  could  best  speke  thayr 
Langwig,  "  Aske  Pexworth  whi  thay  com  thus  Armed." 
He  Answered,  "  our  Sacham  is  angry  wth  you."  I  said, 
"  Tell  him  if  he  be  Angry  wth  us,  wee  be  Angry  wth  him." 
Yn  said  thayr  Sachem,  "  Einglish  men,  when  you  Com  into 
ye  Cuntry,  we  gave  you  gifts  and  you  gaue  vs  gifts ;  we 
bought  and  sold  wth  you  and  we  weare  freinds ;  and  now 
tell  me  if  I  or  any  of  my  men  have  don  you  Rong."  We 
answered,  "  First  tell  us  if  we  have  don  you  Any  Rong." 

1  Some  of  this  conversation,  in  the  same  words,  may  be  found  in  Winslow's 
"  Good  News  from  New  England,"  &c.,  printed  in  London  in  1624.  See  reprint 
of  this  book  in  Young's  Chronicle  of  the  Pilgrims,  p.  338. 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  11 

He  answered,  "  Some  of  you  steele  our  Corne  &  I  have 
sent  you  word  times  wthout  number  &  yet  our  Corne  is 
stole.  I  come  to  see  what  you  will  doe."  We  answered, 
"  It  is  on  man  wich  hath  don  it  Yor  men  have  seen  vs 
whip  him  divers  times,  besids  other  manor  of  punishments, 
&  now  heare  he  is  Bound.  We  give  him  vnto  you  to  doe 
wth  him  what  you  please."  He  answered,  "  y1  is  not  just 
dealeing.  If  my  men  wrong  my  nabur  sacham,  or  his 
men,  he  sends  me  word  &  I  beat  or  kill  my  men,  acording 
to  the  ofenc.  If  his  men  wrong  me  or  my  men,  I  send 
him  word  &  he  beats  or  kills  his  men  Acording  to  the 
ofence.  All  Sachams  do  Justis  by  thayr  own  men.  If  not 
we  say  they  ar  all  Agreed  &  then  we  ffite,  &  now  I  say 
you  all  steele  my  Corne." 

At  this  Time  som  of  them,  seeing  som  of  our  men  upon 
our  forte,  begun  to  start,  saying,  "  Machit  Pesconk,"  that 
is  nawty  Guns.  Then  Looking  Round  about  them  went 
a  way  in  a  great  Rage.  Att  this  Time  we  strenthened  our 
wach  untell  we  had  no  ffood  left.  In  thes  times  the  Salv- 
agis  ofentime  did  Crep  upon  the  snowr,  starting  behind 
Boushes  &  trees  to  see  whether  we  kepe  wach  or  not .... 
times  I  haveing  Rounded  our  plantation  untell  I  had  no 
longer  ....  nth  ;  yn  in  the  night,  goeing  into  our  Corte  of 
Gard,  I  see  on  man  ded  before  me  &  Another  at  my  writ 
hand  &  An  other  att  my  left  for  want  of  food.  O  all  ye 
people  in  New  Eingland  yl  shall  heare  of  these  times  of 
our  week  beginning,  Consider  what  was  the  strenth  of  the 
Arm  of  flesh  or  the  witt  of  man  ;  therfor  in  the  times  of 
yor  greatest  distres  put  yor  trust  in  God. 

The  ofendor  being  bound,  we  lett  him  louse,  because  we 
had  no  food  to  give  him,  Charging  him  to  gather  Ground 
Nutts,  Clams,  &  Musells,  as  other  men  did,  &  steel  no 
more.  On  or  two  days  after  this,  the  salvagis  brot  him, 
leading  him  by  the  armes,  saying  "  Heare  is  the  Corne. 
Com  see  the  plase  wheare  he  stole  it."  Then  we  kep  him 
bound  som  few  days.  After  this,  to  of  our  Company  said 
"  we  have  bin  at  the  Sachem's  howse  &  thay  have  near 
finished  thayr  last  Canoe  y1  thay  may  incounter  wth  our  ship. 
Thayr  greatest  Care  is  how  to  send  thayr  Army's  to  Plimoth 
because  of  the  snow.  Yn  we  prepared  to  meet  ym  there.  On 
of  our  Company  said  "  thay  have  killed  on  of  our  hogs." 


12  Phinehas  Pratt1  s  Narrative. 

An  other  said,  "  on  of  ym  striked  (?)  at  me  wth  his  knife  ;  " 
&  others  say  "  they  threw  dust  in  our  fases."  Then  said 
Pexworth  to  me,  "  give  me  powder  &  Gunns  &  I  will  give 
you  much  corne."  I  said,  "  by  &  by  men  bring  ships  & 
vittls."  But  when  we  understod  y1  their  plot  was  to  kill  all 
Einglish  people  in  on  day  when  the  snow  was  gon,  I  would 
have  sent  a  man  to  Plimoth,  but  non  weare  willing  to  goe. 
Then  I  said  if  Plimoth  men  know  not  of  this  Trecherous 
plot,  they  &  we  are  all  ded  men  ;  Therefore  if  God  willing, 
to  morrow  I  will  goe.  Y1  night  a  yong  man,  wanting  witt, 
towld  Pexworth  yearly  in  the  Morning.  Pexworth  came 
to  me  &  said  in  Einglish,  "  Me  heare  you  goe  to  Patuxit ; 
you  will  loose  yor  self;  ye  bears  and  the  wolfs  will  eate 
you ;  but  because  I  Love  you  I  will  send  my  boy  Nahamit 
with  you ;  &  I  will  give  you  vicktualls  to  eat  by  ye  way  & 
to  be  mery  wth  yor  freinds  when  you  Com  there."  I  said  ; 
"  Who  towld  you  soe  great  a  Lye  y*  I  may  kill  him."  He 
said,  "  it  is  noe  lye,  you  shall  not  know."  Then  he  went 
whom  to  his  howse.  Then  Came  5  men  Armed.  We  said, 
"  Why  Com  you  thus  Armed."  They  said,  "  we  are  ffreinds  ; 
you  cary  Guns  wheare  we  dwell  &  we  cary  bowe  &  Arows 
wheare  you  dwell."  Thes  Atended  me  7  or  8  days  &  nights. 
Then  thay  suposeing  it  was  a  lye,  wheare  Carlis  of  thayr 
wach  near  two  ours  on  the  morning.  Yn  said  I  to  our  Com- 
pany, "  now  is  the  Time  to  Run  to  Plimoth.  Is  ther  any 
Compas  to  be  found."  Thay  said,  "  non  but  ym  yi  belong  to 
ye  ship."  I  said  "  thay  are  to  Bigg.  I  have  born  no  armes 
of  Defence  this  7  or  8  days.  Now  if  I  take  my  armes  thay 
will  mistrust  me.  Then  thay  said  "  Ye  salvages  will  pshue 
after  you  &  kill  you  &  we  shall  never  see  you  Agayne." 
Thus  wth  other  words  of  great  Lamentation,  we  parted. 
Then  I  took  a  how  &  went  to  ye  Long  Swamp  neare  by 
thayr  howses  &  diged  on  the  ege  thereof  as  if  I  had  bin 
looking  for  ground  nutts,  but  seeing  no  man  I  went  in  & 
Run  through  it.  Then  Looking  Round  a  bout  me,  I  Run 
Southward  tell  3  of  ye  Clock)  but  the  snow  being  in  many 
places,  I  was  the  more  distresed  becaus  of  my  ffoot  steps. 
The  sonn  being  beclouded,  I  wandered,  not  knowing  my 
way ;  but  att  the  Goeing  down  of  the  sonn,  it  apeared  Red  ; 
then  hearing  a  great  howling  of  wolfs,  I  came  to  a  River ; 
the  water  being  depe  &  cold  &  many  Rocks,  I  pased 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  13 

through  wth  much  adoe.  Then  was  I  in  great  distres — 
ffant  for  want  of  ffood,  weary  with  Running,  ffearing  to 
make  a  ffier  because  of  ym  y*  pshued  me.  Then  1  came  to 
a  depe  dell  or  hole,  ther  being  much  wood  falen  into  it. 
Then  I  said  in  my  thoughts,  this  is  God's  providence  that 
heare  I  may  make  a  fier.  Then  haveing  maed  a  fier,  the  stars 
began  to  a  pear  and  I  saw  Ursa  Magor  &  the  ....  pole 
yet  fearing  ....  beclouded.  The  day  following  I  began  to 

trafell but  being  unable,  I  went  back  to  the  fier  the 

day  ifall sonn   shined  &  about  three  of 

the  clock  I  came  to  that  part  .  .  .  Plimoth  bay  wher  ther 
is  a  Town  of  Later  Time  ....  Duxbery.  Then  passing 
by  the  water  on  my  left  hand  .  .  .  cam  to  a  brock  &  ther 
was  a  path.  Haveing  but  a  short  Time  to  Consider  .... 
ffearing  to  goe  beyond  the  plantation,  I  kept  Running  in 
the  path ;  then  passing  through  James  Ryuer  I  said  in  my 
thoughts,  now  am  I  as  a  deare  Chased  .  .  .  the  wolfs.  If  I 
perish,  what  will  be  the  Condish  ...  of  distresed  Einglish 
men.  Then  finding  a  peec  of  a  ...  I  took  it  up  &  Caried 
it  in  my  hand.  Then  finding  a  .  .  of  a  Jurkin,  I  Caried 
them  under  my  arme.  Then  said  I  in  my  ....  God  hath 
giuen  me  these  two  tookens  for  my  Comfort ;  y1  now  he 
will  giue  me  my  live  for  a  pray.  Then  Running  down  a 
hill  J  ...  an  Einglish  man  Coming  in  the  path  before 
me.  Then  I  sat  down  on  a  tree  &  Rising  up  to  salute  him 
said,  "  Mr.  Hamdin,1  I  am  Glad  to  see  you  aliue."  He  said 
"  I  am  Glad  &  full  of  wonder  to  see  you  aliue :  lett  us  sitt 

downe,  I  see  you  are  weary."    I  said,  "  Let eate  som 

parched  corne."    Then  he  said  "  I  know  the  Cans 

Come  .  Masasoit  hath  sent  word  to  the  Gouernor  to  let 
him  (  )  y*  Aberdikees  &  his  Confederates  have  contriued 

a  plot  hopeing all  Einglish   people  in  on  day  heare 

as  men  hard  by  (ma)king  Canoe  .  .  .  stay  &  we  will  goe 

wth  you.    Ye  next  day  a  yong named  Hugh  Stacye 

went  forth  to  fell  a  tree  &  see  two rising  from 

the  Ground.    They  said  Aberdikees  had  sent ye 

1  Winslow's  "  Good  News "  says  this  was  "  John  Hamden,  a  gentleman  of 
London  who  then  wintered  with  us."  Young's  JVinslow,  p.  314.  Young  con- 
jectures that  he  must  have  come  "  in  the  Charity,  which  brought  Weston's  col- 
ony." ./Vote,  p.  314.  He  accompanied  Edward  Winslow,  in  1623,  on  his  visit  to 
Massasoit. 


14  Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative. 

Gouernor  y*  he  might  send  men  to  trucke  for  much  Beauer, 
but  thay  would  not  goe,  but  said,  "  Was  not  ther  An  Eing- 
lish  ....  Come  from  Wesaguscus."  He  Answered  "  he 
came  "...  Thay  said  he  was  thayr  ffhend,  and  said  come 

and  see  who But  they  Terned  another  way. 

He  said,  "  You  come  to  let  vs  .  .  .  "    Providence  to  vs  was 

great  in  those  times  as  apeareth after  the  time  of 

the  Ariuall  of  the  first  ship  at  pi  ....  fornamed  Masasoit 
Came  to  Plimoth  &  thayr  maed  a  co  .  .  .  peace,  for  an 
Indian  Caled  Tisquantom  Came  to  ym  &  spek  Einglish  .  . 
Thay  Asked  him,  how  he  learned  to  speeke  Einglish  ?  He 
said  yl  An  Einglishman  Caled  Capt  Hunt  Came  into  the 
Harbor  pretending  to  trade  for  beaver  &  stoole  24  men  & 
thayr  beaur  &  Caried  &  Sould  them  in  Spaine.  &  from 
thence  wth  much  adoe  he  went  into  Eingland  &  ffrom 
Eingland  wth  much  adoe  he  gott  into  h(is)  owne  Cuntry. 
This  man  tould  Masasoit  what  wonders  he  had  seen  in 
Eingland  &  y*  if  he  Could  make  Einglish  his  ffreinds  then 
Enemies  y*  weare  to  strong  for  him  would  be  Con- 
strained to  bowe  to  him ;  but  being  prevented  by  some  y* 

Came  in  ye  first  ship  yl Recorded  y*  wich  Conserned 

them  I  leave  it. 

Two  or  3  days  after  my  Coming  to  Plimoth,  10  or  11 
men1  went  in  a  boat  to  or  plantation,  but  I  being  fanted 
was  not  able  to  goe  wth  ym.  They  first  gave  warning  to 
the  master  of  the  ship2  &  then  Contrived  how  to  make  sure 
of  the  Liues  of  to  of  thayr  Cheef  men,  Wittiwomitt,  of 
whom  they  hosted  no  Gun  would  kill,  and  Pexworth,  a 
suttle  man.  These  being  slaine  they  fell  opon  others 
wheare  thay  could  find  ym.  Then  Abordikees,  hearing 
yl  some  of  his  men  weare  killed,  Came  to  try  his  manwhod, 
but  as  thay  weare  starting  behind  bushes  &  trees,  on  of 
ym  was  shott  in  the  Arme.  At  this  time  An  Indian  caled 
Hobermack,  y*  formerly  had  fleed  for  his  liue  from  his 
Sacham  to  Plimoth,  aproued  himself  a  valient  man  in 
fiting  &  pshuing  after  them.  Two  of  our  men  were  killed 
y1  thay  took  in  thayr  howses  att  An  Advantage  ....  this 

1  This  was  a  party  under  Captain  Standish,  who  left  Plymouth  on  the  25th  of 
March,  1623.     Winslow,  in  Young,  p.  334.     Winslow  gives  a  detailed  account 
of  the  deaths  of  Wituwamusset  and  Pecksuot. 

2  The  Swan,  which  remained  at  Wessaguscus,  or  Wessagusset. 


Phinehas  Pratfs  Narrative.  15 

Time  pi weare  instruments  in  the  .  .  .  nds  of  God 

for thayr  own  Hues   and   ours.      Thay  tooke    the 

head  of &  sett  it  on  thayr  ffort  att  Plimoth  att  .... 

9  (])  of  our  men  weare  ded  wth  ffamine  and  on  died  in  the 
ship  before  thay  Came  to  the  place  whear  at  that  Time  of 
yeare  ships  Came  to  ffish — it  being  in  March.  At  this 
Time  ships  began  to  ffish  at  ye  Islands  of  Sholes  and  I 

haveing  Recovered  a  Little  of  my th  went  to  my 

Company  near  about  this  Time the  first  plantation 

att  Pascataqua  the  ....  thereof  was  Mr.  Dauid  Tomson  at 
the  time  of  my  arivall  (I)  att  Pascataqua.  To  of  Abordi- 
kees  men  Came  thither  &  seeing  me  said,  "  when  we  killed 
yor  men  thay  cried  and  maed  II  fauored  ifases."  I  said, 
"  when  we  killed  yor  men,  we  did  not  Torment  them  to 
make  ourself  (?)  mery."  Then  we  went  with  our  ship  into 
the  bay  &  took  from  them  two  Shalops  Loading  of  Corne 
&  of  thayr  men  prisoners  ther  as  a  Towne  of  Later  Time 
Caled  Dorchester.  The  third  and  last  time  was  in  the  bay 
of  Agawam.  At  this  Time  they  took  for  thay1  casell  a 
thick  swamp.  At  this  time  on  of  our  ablest  men  was  shot 
in  the  sholder.  Wether  Any  of  them  wear  killed  or 
wounded  we  could  not  tell.  Ther  is  a  Town  of  Later 
time,  neare  vnto  y*  place  Caled  Ipswich.  Thus  ....  plan- 
tation being  deserted,  Capt.  Robert  Gore  cam  ....  the 
Cuntry  wth  six  gentlemen  Atending  him  &  diuers  men  to 
doe  his  Labor  &  other  men  wth  thayr  familys.  Thay  took 
possession  of  our  plantation,  but  thayr  ship  suply  from 
Eingland  Came  to  late.  Thus  was  ifamine  thayr  final  ofor- 
throw.  Most  of  ym  y*  lined  Reterned  for  Eingland.  The 
oforseers  of  the  third  plantation  in  the  bay  was  Capt. 
Wooliston  &  Mr.  Rosdell.  Thes  seeing  the  Ruing  of  the 
former  plantation,  said,  we  will  not  pich  our  Tents  heare, 
least  we  should  doe  as  thay  have  Done.  Notwithstanding 
these  Gentlemen  wear  wiss  men,  thay  seemed  to  blame  the 
oforseeors  of  the  formur  Companies  not  Considering  y*  God 
plants  &  pull  vp  Bilds  &  pulls  down  &  terns  the  wisdom 
of  wiss  men  into  foolishness.  These  Caled  ye  name  of 
thayr  place  Mountwooliston.  They  Continued  neare  a 
yeare  as  others  had  don  before  ym ;  but  famin  was  thayr 
finall  aforthrow.  Neare  vnto  yl  place  is  a  Town  of  Lator 
Time  Caled  Brantry.  Not  long  after  the  oferthrow  of  the 


16  Phinehas  Pratfs  Petition. 

first  plantation  in  the  bay,  Capt.  Louit  Cam  to  yer  Cuntry. 
At  the  Time  of  his  being  at  Pascataway  a  Sacham  or  Saga- 
mor  Gaue  two  of  his  men,  on  to  Capt.  Louit  &  An  other 
to  Mr.  Tomson,  but  on  yfc  was  ther  said,  "  How  can  you 
trust  these  Salvagis.  Cale  the  nam  of  on  Watt  Tylor,  &  ye 
other  Jack  Straw,  after  ye  names  of  the  two  greatest  Rebills 
y*  ever  weare  in  Eingland."  Watt  Tylor  said  "  when  he 
was  a  boy  Capt.  Dormer  found  him  upon  an  Island  in 
great  distress." 


PHINEHAS  PRATT'S  PETITION  OF  1668. 


THIS  Petition  is  printed  from  a  manuscript  of  the  date  of  1668,  as  is  evident 
from  the  autograph  attestation  of  Torrey  and  Pyncheon,  though  it  is  so  unlike 
the  "  Declaration,"  both  in  composition  and  chirography,  as  to  make  it  certain 
that  it  is  not  in  the  handwriting  of  Pratt.  R.  F.,  Jr. 


To  the  Honoured  the  Generall  Court ,  holden  at 
Boston,  this          Oct.  1668. 

I  acknowledg  my  self  truly  thankfull  unto  the  Honoured 
Court  for  that  they  gave  me  at  the  time  I  presented  an 
History  called,  A  declaration  of  the  affaires  of  the  Eng- 
lish people,  that  first  inhabited  New  England.  Yet  my 
necessity  causeth  me  farther  to  entreat  you  to  consider 
what  my  service  hath  been  unto  my  dread  Soveraign  Lord 
King  James  of  famous  memory.  I  am  one  of  that  litle 
number,  ten  men  that  arrived  in  Massachusets  Bay  for 
the  setling  of  a  Plantation,  &  am  the  remainder  of  the  for- 
lorn hope  sixty  men.  We  bought  the  south  part  of  the 
Bay  of  Aberdecest  their  Sachem.  Ten  of  our  company 
died  of  famine.  Then  said  ye  Natives  of  the  Countrey,  let 
us  kill  them,  whilst  they  are  weak,  or  they  will  possesse  our 
Countrey,  &  drive  us  away.  Three  times  we  fought  with 
them,  thirty  miles  I  was  pursued  for  my  life,  in  time  of 
frost,  and  snow,  as  a  deer  chased  with  wolves.  Two  of  our 
men  were  kill'd  in  warr,  one  shot  in  the  shoulder.  It 
was  not  by  the  wit  of  man,  nor  by  ye  strength  of  the  arme 
of  flesh,  that  we  prevailed  against  them.  But  God,  that 
overrules  all  power,  put  fear  in  their  hearts.  And  now 


Pratt 's  Relation  by  Mather.  17 

seeing  God  hath  added  a  New  England  to  old  Engl.  and 
given  both  to  our  dread  SoverT  Lord  King  Charles  the 
second,  many  thousand  people  enjoy  the  peace  thereof ; 
Now  in  times  of  prosperity,  I  beseech  you  consider  the 
day  of  small  things  ;  for  I  was  almost  frozen  in  time  of 
our  weak  beginnings,  and  now  am  lame.  My  humble 
request  is  for  that  may  be  for  my  subsistance,  the  remaining 
time  of  my  life.  And  I  shall  be  obliged. 
Your  thankfull  servant, 

PHINEHAS  PRATT. 

The  Deputyes  Doe  not  Judge  meete  to  graunt  this  peti- 
tion, wth  refference  to  the  consent  of  or  Honoed  magists 
hereto. 

WILLIAM  TORREY,  Cleric. 

The  Magistrates  consent  wth  their  bretheren  the  Deputy  s. 

Jo :  PYNCHON,  Pr  Curiam. 


PHINEHAS  PEATT'S  RELATION  BY  INCREASE  MATHER. 


THIS  Relation  is  re-printed  from  pp.  17 — 20,  of  "A  Relation  Of  the  Troubles 
which  have  happened  in  New-England,  By  reason  of  the  Indians  there.  From 
the  year  1614  to  the  year  1675.  By  Increase  Mather."  It  is  from  the  Society's 
copy  of  this  rare  work.  R.  F.,  JR. 


There  is  an  old  Planter  yet  living  in  this  countrey,  being 
one  of  those  that  were  employed  by  Mr.  Weston,  who 
also  hath  given  some  account  of  these  matters. 

He  doth  relate,  and  affirm,  that  at  his  first  coming  into 
this  countrey,  the  English  were  in  a  very  distressed  condi- 
tion, by  reason  of  famine,  and  sickness  which  was  amongst 
them,  whereof  many  were  already  dead ;  and  that  they 
buried  them  in  the  night,  that  the  Indians  might  not  per- 
ceive how  low  they  were  brought. 

This  Relator  doth  moreover  declare,  that  an  Indian 
Panies,  who  secretly  purposed  bloody  destruction  against 
the  English,  and  made  it  his  design  to  learn  the  English 


18  Pratt 's  Relation  by  Mather. 

tongue,  to  the  end  he  might  more  readily  accomplish  his 
hellish  devices,  told  him,  that  there  had  been  a  French 
vessel  cast  away  upon  these  coasts,  only  they  saved  their 
lives  and  their  goods,  and  that  the  Indians  took  their  goods 
from  them,  and  made  the  Frenchmen  their  servants,  and 
that  they  wept  very  much,  when  the  Indians  parted  them 
from  one  another,  that  they  made  them  eat  such  meat  as 
they  gave  their  dogs.  Only  one  of  them  having  a  good 
Master,  he  provided  a  Wife  for  him,  by  whom  he  had  a 
Son,  and  lived  longer  than  the  rest  of  the  French  men  did  ; 
and  that  one  of  them  was  wont  to  read  much  in  a  Book 
(some  say  it  was  the  New-Testament)  and  that  the  Indians 
enquiring  of  him  what  his  Book  said,  he  told  them  it  did 
intimate,  that  there  was  a  people  like  French  men  that  would 
come  into  the  Country,  and  drive  out  the  Indians,  and  that 
they  were  now  afraid  that  the  English  were  the  people 
of  whose  coming  the  French  man  had  foretold  them.  And 
that  another  ship  from  France  came  into  the  Massachusets 
Bay  with  Goods  to  Truck,  and  that  Indian  Panics  pro- 
pounded to  the  Sachim,  that  if  he  would  hearken  to  him, 
they  would  obtain  all  the  French  mens  Goods  for  nothing, 
namely,  by  coming  a  multitude  of  them  aboard  the  vessel, 
with  great  store  of  Beaver,  making  as  if  they  would 
Truck,  &  that  they  should  come  without  Bows  and  arrows, 
only  should  have  knives  hid  in  the  flappets  which  the 
Indians  wear  about  their  loins,  and  when  he  should  give 
the  watchword,  they  should  run  their  knives  into  the 
French  mens  bellyes,  which  was  accordingly  executed  by 
the  Indians,  and  all  the  French  men  killed,  only  Mounsier 
Finch  the  Master  of  the  vessel  being  wounded,  ran  down 
into  the  Hold,  whereupon  they  promised  him  that  if  he 
would  come  up,  they  would  not  kill  him,  notwithstanding 
which,  they  brake  their  word,  and  murdered  him  also,  and 
at  last  set  the  ship  on  Fire. 

Some  enquiring  of  him  how  long  it  was  since  the  Indians 
first  saw  a  ship,  he  replyed  that  he  could  not  tel,  but  some 
old  Indians  reported,  that  the  first  ship  seemed  to  them  to 
be  a  Floating  Island,  wrapped  together  with  the  roots  of 
trees,  and  broken  off  from  the  Land,  which  with  their 
Canoos  they  went  to  see,  but  when  they  found  men  there 
and  heard  gunns,  they  hasted  to  the  shore  again  not  a  little 


Pratfs  Relation  by  Mather.  19 

amazed.  (Some  write  that  they  shot  arrows  at  the  first 
ship  they  saw  thinking  to  kill  it.) 

This  Relator  doth  also  affirm,  that  after  jealousies  began 
between  the  English  of  Mr.  Weston's  plantation  and  the 
Indians,  they  built  diverse  of  their  wigwams  at  the  end  of 
a  great  Swamp,  near  to  the  English,  that  they  might  the 
more  suddenly  and  effectually  doe  what  was  secretly  con- 
trived in  their  hearts  :  and  an  Indian  Squaw  said  to  them 
that  ere  long  Aberkiest  would  bring  many  Indians  that 
would  kill  all  the  English  there  and  at  Patuxet.  After 
which  the  Sachim  with  a  company  of  his  men  came  armed 
towards  them,  and  bringing  them  within  the  Pale  of  the 
English  Plantation,  he  made  a  speech  to  the  English  with 
great  gravity  saying,  "  When  you  first  came  into  this  land, 
I  was  your  friend,  we  gave  gifts  to  one  another.  I  let  you 
have  land  as  much  as  we  agreed  for,  and  now  I  would 
know  of  you  if  I  or  my  men  have  done  you  any  wrong." 
Unto  whom  the  English  replyed,  that  they  desired,  that  he 
would  first  declare  whether  they  had  injured  him. 

The  Sachim  roundly  rejoyned,  that  either  some  or  all  of 
them  had  been  abusive  to  him ;  for  they  had  stolen  away 
his  corn,  and  though  he  had  given  them  notice  of  it  times 
without  number,  yet  there  was  no  satisfaction  nor  reforma- 
tion attained. 

Hereupon,  the  English  took  the  principal  Thief  and 
bound  him  and  delivered  him  to  the  Sachim,  withall  declar- 
ing, that  he  might  do  with  him  what  he  pleased.  Nay 
(said  he)  Sachims  do  justice  themselves  upon  their  own 
men,  and  let  their  neighbours  do  justice  upon  theirs,  other- 
wise we  conclude  that  they  are  all  agreed,  and  then  fight. 

Now  the  Indians  some  of  them  began  to  tremble,  and 
beholding  the  Guns  which  were  mounted  on  the  English 
Fort,  they  said  one  to  another  (in  their  Language)  that 
little  guns  would  shoot  through  houses,  and  great  guns 
would  break  down  trees,  and  make  them  fall  and  kill  In- 
dians round  about.  So  did  they  depart  at  that  time  dissat- 
isfied and  enraged. 

The  English  now  perceiving  that  the  Indians  were  fully 
purposed  to  be  revenged  on  them,  they  resolved  to  fight  it 
out  to  the  last  man. 

As  they  were  marching  out  of  the  Fort,  seven  or  eight 


20  Pratfs  Relation  by  Mather. 

men  stood  stil,  saying,  this  is  the  second  time  that  the  Sal- 
vages had  demanded  the  life  of  him  that  had  wronged 
them,  and  therefore  they  would  have  him  first  put  to  death, 
and  if  that  would  not  satisfy,  then  to  fight  it  out  to  the 
last,  wherefore  he  was  put  to  death  in  the  sight  of  the 
Heathen ;  after  which  the  English  marched  out  towards 
them,  but  they  dispersed  themselves  into  the  woods. 

This  Relator  endeavoured  to  give  notice  to  them  in 
Plymouth,  how  that  the  Indians  had  contrived  their  ruin, 
but  he  missed  his  way  between  Weymouth  and  Plymouth  ; 
and  it  was  wel  he  did  so ;  for  by  that  means,  he  escaped 
the  savage  hands  of  those  Indians,  who  immediately  pur- 
sued him,  with  a  murderous  intention.  Ere  he  could  reach 
Plymouth^  they  were  informed  by  Massasoit  (as  hath  been 
declared)  concerning  what  was  plotted  amongst  the  Indians. 

Finally  there  were  (as  this  Helator  testifieth)  three  sev- 
eral skirmishes  with  the  Indians.  One  at  Wesegusquaset, 
before  mentioned ;  another  at  a  place  where  the  town 
of  Dorchester  is  since  planted ;  and  lastly  at  the  Bay  of 
Agawam  or  Ipswich,  in  all  which  engagements,  the  Indians 
were  notably  beaten,  and  the  English  received  no  consider- 
able damage,  so  that  the  Sachims  entreated  for  peace,  nor 
were  the  English,  (provided  it  might  be  upon  terms  safe 
and  honourable)  averse  thereunto,  Pacem  te  poscimus  omnes. 


%BAINIH$ 


^•lOS-ANGElfj^ 

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UU  SOUIHtRN  REGIONAL  LIBHA 


